UN sanctions burden sharing: Article 50 of the UN charter and assistance to third states

This article proposes the establishment by the UN Security Council of a system of mutual support for third states whose economies have been adversely affected as a result of UN non-military sanctions. This system consists of several components: (1) creating new markets for the sale of goods and services of third states; (2) crafting of a logical UN sanctions costs methodology; (3) bringing into UN Security Council for a those bilateral and regional efforts involving cases of UN sanctions compensation; (4) devising norms and procedures for acquiring and pooling of the requisite funds out of which states' claims for damages attributable to UN sanctions might be satisfied; and (5) establishing a mechanism for the adjudication of such claims. While many obstacles admittedly exist to creating such a system of mutual support, the article argues that effective UN sanctions burden sharing is nevertheless important to international relations theory and practice, since UN sanctions appear to be increasing in frequency as they undergird many of the Security Council's contemporary enforcement actions.     

Comparing Experimental and Matching Methods Using a Large-Scale Voter Mobilization Experiment

Alan S. Gerber and Donald P. Green Yale University, Institution for Social and Policy Studies, P.O. Box 208209, 77 Prospect Street, New Haven, CT 06520 e-mail: kevin.arceneaux{at}temple.edu (corresponding author) e-mail: alan.gerber{at}yale.edu e-mail: donald.green{at}yale.edu In the social sciences, randomized experimentation is the optimalresearch design for establishing causation. However, for a numberof practical reasons, researchers are sometimes unable to conductexperiments and must rely on observational data. In an effortto develop estimators that can approximate experimental resultsusing observational data, scholars have given increasing attentionto matching. In this article, we test the performance of matchingby gauging the success with which matching approximates experimentalresults. The voter mobilization experiment presented here comprisesa large number of observations (60,000 randomly assigned tothe treatment group and nearly two million assigned to the controlgroup) and a rich set of covariates. This study is analyzedin two ways. The first method, instrumental variables estimation,takes advantage of random assignment in order to produce consistentestimates. The second method, matching estimation, ignores randomassignment and analyzes the data as though they were nonexperimental.Matching is found to produce biased results in this applicationbecause even a rich set of covariates is insufficient to controlfor preexisting differences between the treatment and controlgroup. Matching, in fact, produces estimates that are no moreaccurate than those generated by ordinary least squares regression.The experimental findings show that brief paid get-out-the-votephone calls do not increase turnout, while matching and regressionshow a large and significant effect.     

The subculture of violence and ethnicity

Using data from the General Social Surveys, this article examines the subculture of violence thesis as it relates to three ethnic groups—blacks, Hispanics, and American Indians. The data suggest that blacks and American Indians have had more violence experiences (hitting and firearms) than have the general population. Contrary to what would be predicted from the thesis, the data indicate that blacks and Hispanics had lower tolerance of violence than the general population. Only American Indians, on all factors considered, appeared to support the thesis. Even this support, however, took on less significance when regression results were examined. Demographic and residential variables explained more of the variance in violence tolerance and experiences with violence than did ethnic background. These findings suggest that the influence of ethnicity on the subculture of violence is minor and indirect.     

PCR-RFLP identification of Diptera (Calliphoridae,Muscidae and Sarcophagidae)--a generally applicable method

A simple, rapid method using restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs) within the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) regions of the ribosomal DNA gene repeat allows identification of insects and other organisms. We used the method to identify the morphologically similar Diptera larvae that are important in forensic entomology for estimating the time and location of death. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was used to amplify a region from the 18S to the 28S rRNA genes. The ITS1 and ITS2 regions provided variation between species and homogeneity within species, with the exception of Cochliomya macellaria. Combinations of the restriction enzymes DdeI, HinfI and Sau3AI provided diagnostic bands for identification of the ten species from three families of Diptera (Calliphoridae, Muscidae and Sarcophagidae).     

The Use and Misuse of 'National Security' Rationale in Crafting U.S. Refugee and Immigration Policies

Since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, U.S. immigrationand refugee policy has developed based on narrow and evolvingtheories of ‘national security’. Immigration reformlegislation, federal regulations, and administrative policychanges have been justified in terms of the nation's safety.On 1 March 2003, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service(INS) was folded into the massive new U.S. Department of HomelandSecurity (DHS), formally making immigration a homeland defenseconcern. Counterterror and immigration experts increasingly agree onwhat constitute effective and appropriate immigration policyreforms in light of the terrorist threat. Unfortunately, manyof the post-September 11 policy changes do little to advancepublic safety and violate the rights of refugees and asylumseekers. These include reductions in refugee admissions, thecriminal prosecution of asylum seekers, the blanket detentionof Haitians, and a safe third-country asylum agreement betweenthe United States and Canada. Other measures offend basic rightsand may undermine counterterror efforts. These include ‘preventive’arrests, closed deportation proceedings, and ‘call-in’registration programs. This article reviews post-September 11 U.S. policy developmentsbased on their impact on migrant rights and their efficacy ascounterterror measures. It argues for a more nuanced and rigoroussense of ‘national security’ in crafting refugeeand immigration policy.     

Learning from the Philippine occupation: nation‐building and institutional development in Iraq and other high security risk nations

Outcomes of armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq indicate that the U.S. has been unprepared to fully address problems related to establishing social and economic stability, security and governance in the aftermath of war. This is unfortunate, given that U.S. policy makers' nation‐building efforts to achieve stability, security and good governance in these nations do not reflect what they should already have learnt about organisational and institutional development from past experiences providing significant development assistance to highly unstable nations. Based on the analysis rendered in this article, ‘smart practice’ development administration in such nations comprises the following key points that link nation building to institutional/organisational development:

• Nation building (creating new national sovereignty) is different from, and harder than, building government capacity (creating or strengthening institutions and organisations).
• Given that building government capacity typically requires years of patient assistance and financing, it is better to build on existing indigenous institutions like the civil service and military.
• The time and expense of development assistance to high security risk nations means that it is advisable to establish a multi‐lateral development assistance plan and a multi‐national, multi‐institutional framework for financing development to pay for all that is necessary over a long period of time (i.e. 20–50 years).
• Policy makers should emphasise social stability and stable economic growth under self‐governance to prevent actual or perceived economic exploitation.
• Policy makers' diplomatic efforts should secure accommodation of various stakeholders sufficient to permit compromise leading to formation of an independent government.
• Where occupation appears necessary to achieve security and stability, policy makers should allocate enough troops and money to do the job, and accurately assess and report all costs of military occupation and nation building.
• Once occupation has occurred, policy makers should not withdraw military support in a way that would increase the likelihood of civil war.
• Premature withdrawal of security, economic and political support prior to the point where high security risk nations are capable of governing themselves will cause a power vacuum, and may result in fragmented regional leadership by warlords. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

     

Building coalitions for water marketing

The authors argue that efficient water allocation is possible through markets as long as water rights are well-defined, enforced, and transferable. They provide a framework for considering third-party and free rider affects from water trades. From this framework, they consider the prospects for developing a market for instream flows. The analysis points to problems with the prior appropriation system for establishing instream flow claims but suggests that there is not reason for water policy to stand in the way of transferring existing consumption rights to instream uses. The authors conclude that changes in water policy which capitalize on market forces will result from conservationconservative coalitions.