Comparative proportionality review: A nationwide examination of reversed death sentences

A required part of the appellate review of death sentences in many capital punishment jurisdictions is comparative proportionality review. This procedure requires the court to compare the death sentence under review with sentences in similar cases to determine whether it is excessive. This article examines those death sentences from across the country that have been reversed on comparative proportionality grounds. Relatively few death sentences have been reversed on these grounds, and the number of reversals is decreasing. The reviews that reverse sentences infrequently compare only to other death sentences, commonly use a method that requires more than a mere common aggravating factor for selecting comparison cases, and rarely use the frequency method of comparative proportionality review.     

PATTERNS OF RELITIGATION

Two groups of parents were tracked for 2 years following their divorce: a group of 89 who attended a mandatory divorce education class and a comparison group of 23 who did not. The two groups did not differ in any assessed demographic or family characteristics. At the follow-up assessment, the parents who attended the class had relitigated (over all issues) less than half as often than those who had not attended the class (1.61 vs. 3.74). Moreover, rate of relitigation was related to mastery of skills learned in the class. The results are discussed in terms of the needs for outcome evaluation and design of education programs for divorcing parents.     

Authoritarianism,religiosity and reactions to deviance

A modified F-Scale and a deviance-control scale were administered to a sample of 116 police science students and a random representative sample of 91 state university students. No overall relationship was found between respondents' preference to control deviance and their authoritarianism, nor did the F-Scale discriminate between the two groups. However, the police sample favored the control of deviance significantly more. Evidence of response bias to the F-Scale was also found. It was concluded that the source of the criminal sanction usually typified as moral indignation, was more a cognitively based evaluation than an emotionally based reaction.     

The challenge of change: Canadian universities in the 21st century

Abstract: Universities faced a crisis in the immediate postwar years. It was a crisis of numbers, brought on by a rising participation rate and the postwar Baby Boom. The response, led initially by the federal government, was to enlarge the university system, and later the entire postsecondary sector, very rapidly through the 1950s and 1960s. In the process of rapid growth, universities changed dramatically, becoming much more democratic and laissez‐faire in their management. Then came a prolonged period of restraint, as provincial governments regained a measure of control and the public became sceptical of the benefits accruing from rapidly rising expenditures in the face of tight fiscal circumstances and competing demands. University faculty attempted to secure their earlier gains through unionization and collective bargaining. The upshot, as was predicted, was that universities became much more rigid organizations, resistant to managed change, and focused on the self‐interest of faculty members. We now confront a new and very different environment and face the challenges and opportunities associated with a knowledge‐based economy, with its reliance on research and innovation, and its demand for a highly educated workforce. The federal government is using its new‐found surpluses to invest heavily in university‐based research and development. The challenge is whether universities, constrained by cumbersome and self‐serving decision rules and procedures, now secured in union contracts, can respond appropriately to the new opportunities. Sommaire: Les universités ont connu une crise dans les années qui ont immédiatement suivi la guerre. C'était une crise d'éffectifs, cauée par un taux de fréquentation en hausse et par le baby‐boom de l'après‐guerre. La réaction initiale du gouvemement fédéral pendant les années 1950 et 1960, a été de développer très rapidement le système universitaire et plus tard tout le secteur post‐secondaire. Au cours de cette croissance rapide, les universités ont changé considérablement, devenant plus democratiques et plus souples dans leur administration. Il y a eu ensuite une période de restriction prolongée, où les gouvemements provinciaux ont retrouvé un certain contrôle et le public devint sceptique au sujet des avantages découlant de dépenses croissantes pour faire face à une conjoncture de resserrement budgétaire et à une concurrence acharnée. Le corps professoral universitaire essaya de protéger les gains qu'il avait obtenus précédemment par la syndicalisation et la négotiation collective. Le résultat, comme cela était prévu, c'est que les universités sont devenues des organismes beaucoup plus rigides, résistants aux changements de gestion et axés sur l'intérêt personnel des membres du corps professoral. Nous nous trouvons aujourd'hui dans une conjoncture nouvelle et très différente. Nous devons maintenant relever les défis et tirer parti des possibilités que nous offre une économie axée sur le savoir, qui compte sur la recherche et l'innovation, et sur une main‐d'æuvre hautement instruite. Le gouvernement fédéral se sert de ses surplus récents pour investir considérablement dam la recherche et le développement universitaires. Le défi est de savoir si les universités, assujetties à des régles et procédures difficiles à appliquer, intéressés, et protégées par les conventions syndicales, sauront tirer pleinement parti de nouvelles opportunités.     

THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION'S WELFARE RETRENCHMENT POLICY: TERMINATING SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFITS FOR THE DISABLED

Large numbers of the permanently and totally disabled have had benefits terminated since 1980 as a result of a determined effort towards that end by the Reagan administration. This is an example of the process by which a major change in political ethos is translated into important changes in welfare benefit entitlement rules. It is also interesting since it seems to be the first instance of a large scale conscientious attempt of the executive branch to reach into and narrow the basic entitlement policy of the Social Security Administration. This normally would be done through joint executive, congressional and legislative action. This article presents the policy background of these events and reviews and analyzes the data about their consequences.