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81.
82.
Heidi E. Grunwald Brian Lockwood Philip W. Harris Jeremy Mennis 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(9):1067-1079
This study examined the effects of neighborhood context on juvenile recidivism to determine if neighborhoods influence the
likelihood of reoffending. Although a large body of literature exists regarding the impact of environmental factors on delinquency,
very little is known about the effects of these factors on juvenile recidivism. The sample analyzed includes 7,061 delinquent
male juveniles committed to community-based programs in Philadelphia, of which 74% are Black, 13% Hispanic, and 11% White.
Since sample youths were nested in neighborhoods, a hierarchical generalized linear model was employed to predict recidivism
across three general categories of recidivism offenses: drug, violent, and property. Results indicate that predictors vary
across the types of offenses and that drug offending differs from property and violent offending. Neighborhood-level factors
were found to influence drug offense recidivism, but were not significant predictors of violent offenses, property offenses,
or an aggregated recidivism measure, despite contrary expectations. Implications stemming from the finding that neighborhood
context influences only juvenile drug recidivism are discussed. 相似文献
83.
Revisiting Adjusted ADA Scores for the U.S. Congress, 1947-2007 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
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85.
Julian Christensen Lene Aarøe Martin Baekgaard Pamela Herd Donald P. Moynihan 《Public administration review》2020,80(1):127-136
One means by which the state reinforces inequality is by imposing administrative burdens that loom larger for citizens with lower levels of human capital. Integrating insights from various disciplines, this article focuses on one aspect of human capital: cognitive resources. The authors outline a model that explains how burdens and cognitive resources, especially executive functioning, interrelate. The article then presents illustrative examples, highlighting three common life factors—scarcity, health problems, and age-related cognitive decline. These factors create a human capital catch-22, increasing people's likelihood of needing state assistance while simultaneously undermining the cognitive resources required to negotiate the burdens they encounter while seeking such assistance. The result is to reduce access to state benefits and increase inequality. The article concludes by calling for scholars of behavioral public administration and public administration more generally to incorporate more attention to human capital into their research. 相似文献
86.
Donald F. Kettl 《Public administration review》2020,80(4):595-602
The explosion of the coronavirus onto the global stage has posed unprecedented challenges for governance. In the United States, the question of how best to respond to these challenges has fractured along intergovernmental lines. The federal government left most of the decisions to the states, and the states went in very different directions. Some of those decisions naturally flowed from the disease's emerging patterns. But to a surprising degree, there were systematic variations in the governors’ decisions, and these variations were embedded in a subtle but growing pattern of differences among the states in a host of policy areas, ranging from decisions about embracing the Affordable Care Act to improving their infrastructure. These patterns raise fundamental questions about the role of the federal government's leadership in an issue that was truly national in scope, and whether such varied state reactions were in the public interest. The debate reinforces the emerging reality of an increasingly divided states of America. 相似文献
87.
Using a case study of a controversial mine in an indigenous area of Guatemala, this article explores the transnational dynamics of development and regulation of large‐scale extractive industry projects in the developing world. It examines the roles played in the Marlin mine dispute by national law, international law, international financial institutions, and corporate social responsibility. It concludes that these legal regimes have a role in protecting human rights but have not addressed the fundamental questions of democratic governance raised by this case. 相似文献
88.
The assumption that candidates make a difference to electoral outcomes in British general elections is tested through a comparison of the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Incumbent's Constituency-specific Vote Change (ICVC) between the June 1983 and June 1987 British general elections is measured by subtracting the average regional vote change for the incumbent's party from the constituency vote change registered by the incumbent. Regression analysis finds ICVC to be most significantly influenced in both the Labour and Conservative parties by the incumbent's length of tenure, displayed especially in the higher ICVC registered by first-term incumbents than by more senior incumbents. Variables indicating the security or insecurity of the seat in electoral terms are significantly related to ICVC in the Conservative but not in the Labour case. The findings for Labour indicate ICVC to be greater where electoral security is greater. This finding might be explained by successful Conservative party concentration on constituencies in which Labour incumbents appear to be vulnerable. 相似文献
89.
The defining properties of party identification long established for the United States fail with some frequency to be replicated in electoral systems abroad. A number of plausible suggestions have been made to account for this system-level variability: Most of these have some face merit, but none taken alone is adequate to provide a full cross-system explanation. Variation in party system size or fractionalization has recently been discussed as another source of differential dynamics of party loyalties. Unfortunately, the conventional means of assessing party identification properties are subject to rather severe artifacts, typically ignored, when comparisons are made across systems of very different party size. The conceptual stakes underlying key methods options for such comparisons—most notably, between continuous and discrete statistical tools—are examined. The use of continuous statistics for systems of very multiple parties rests on an assumption that voters do in some degree regard these party systems as imbedded in a continuous space. A simple test for this assumption is mounted in four systems and unsurprisingly it shows very clear support. Analysis of residuals beyond this obvious result add several points of less obvious information about the distribution of party affect in such systems. 相似文献
90.