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241.
Abstract: Policy research institutes, or think-tanks, as journalists and scholars often label them, are attracting considerable exposure in the print and broadcast media. The Fraser Institute, the C.D. Howe Institute, and the Canadian Tax Foundation are among a handful of Canadian think-tanks whose studies are frequently referred to in the press. Yet, despite the increased public visibility of these and other think-tanks, few scholars have considered whether the most frequently cited think-tanks play an important role in other critical stages of the policy-making process. By measuring the relative visibility and policy relevance of a sizeable cross-section of the think-tank population in Canada, this paper demonstrates that not only do think-tanks wield different types of policy influence, but they elect to exercise it at different stages of the policy-making process. More specifically, think-tanks may share a common desire to shape and mould public opinion and public policy, but the priorities they assign to accessing particular stages of the policy cycle vary considerably. Sommaire: Les institute de recherche politique font I'objet de beaucoup d'attention de la part de la presse et des autres média. L'lnstitut Fraser, l'lnstitut C.D. Howe et I'Association canadienne d'études fiscales figurent parmi les quelques instituts dont les études sont souvent citées dans la presse. Malgré la visibilité publique de plus en plus grande de ces instituts, et d'autres encore, très peu d'académiciens se sont pourtant interrogés pour savoir si les instituts les plus souvent cités jouent un rôle important dans d'autres étapes critiques du processus de décision politique. En mesurant la visibilité relative et la pertinence politique d'un gros échantillon de la population d'instituts de ce genre au Canada, cet article démontre qu'en plus d'avoir des effets de types différents sur les politiques, ces instituts choisissent d'exercer leur influence à divers moments du processus de définition des politiques. Plus précisément, ces instituts partagent peut-être le désir commun de former et de moduler I'opinion publique et les politiques gouvernementales, mais la priorité qu'ils accordent aux étapes particulières du cycle d'élaboration des politiques varie de manière considérable.  相似文献   
242.
Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility R. Cranston (Ed.) Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995

Legal Ethics and Legal Practice: Contemporary Issues S. Parker & S. Sampford (Eds.) Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995  相似文献   

243.
The idea that problems in governance have deep roots in social structure has been revisited by Geof Wood in a recent article in this journal. His article takes a position in relation to an ongoing debate about how to improve public administration and management in Bangladesh, a debate that seems to be almost as ‘imprisoned’ in incompatible values and premises as, he argues, are the various Bangladeshi actors in society. But behind this debate are some very practical issues about how the administration there might be persuaded to work better. Key to his contribution is the idea of ‘room for manoeuvre’ or conditions for ‘escape’. This article argues that embedded institutions and values matter but that behaviour is also responsive to opportunity. ‘Old’ values can be put together into new institutional complexes if given a chance. The key to successful institutional change is effectiveness. ‘Escape’ is not only, or even primarily, a matter of changing values but of responding to circumstances and changing institutions—cutting the bars. A close look at institutional and organizational reform in any country, including the UK, shows that, whatever moral language and posture inform the reform agenda, it is constructive compromise that produces the structure that works. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
244.
Abstract: This paper examines the involvement of Ontario-based environmental organizations in the debate over NAFTA and their relationship with various ministries at Queen's Park responsible for developing policy on the agreement. More specifically, this study seeks to explain why and how the Ontario government relied on a select group of environmental organizations to advance its anti-NAFTA campaign. The paper concludes by arguing that while a handful of environmental organizations played an important role in increasing public awareness about the potential environmental implications of NAFTA, these organizations also served as effective vehicles for conveying Ontario's opposition to the agreement. Sommaire: Dans cet article, nous examinons la participation des organismes environ-nementaux de I'Ontario au dkbat concernant l'ALENA ainsi que leur rapport avec divers ministères ontariens chargés d'élaborer les politiques relatives à cet accord. Plus particulièrement, cette étude cherche à expliquer pourquoi et comment le gouvernement de l'Ontario a utilisé divers organismes environnementaux dans sa campagne anti-ALENA. L'article conclut que, si certains organismes environnementaux ont joué un rôle important dans la sensibilisation du public au sujet des répercussions environnementales potentielles de l'ALENA, ils ont aussi, par contre, véhiculé l'opposition de l'Ontario à cet accord.  相似文献   
245.
This article is an overview of the distinguished career of Jesse Burkhead, Professor Emeritus, Maxwell School, Syracuse University, and for eight years editor of Public Budgeting & Finance. For forty years he has influenced the field of budgeting through his teaching, articles and books. The article reflects on some of Burkhead's budgetary principles and observations which remain relevant to today's decision making.  相似文献   
246.
This paper applies a game-theoretic model of participation under uncertainty to investigate the negative relationship between constituency size and voter turnout rates: theconstituency size effect. We find that this theoretical model accounts for almost all of the variation in turnout due to size in cross sectional data from school budget referenda.  相似文献   
247.
This papers brings together several strains of thought around an outline suggestion for reform of education administration and finance in the Southern Sudan. Administration has to be seen in terms of incentives and disincentives to action. The administration of the Southern Sudan constitutes the largest part of the elite of that part of the country and consumes most public funds as salaries. In political interactions with sections of the public there is a more pressing need to respond to the demands of educated youth for salaries than to make adequate provision for non-salary expenses of services to the public. But the system is not in a stable state and the full contradictions of the situation, for politicians, bureaucrats and public, are revealed by the financial restrictions enforced as a result of national debt and international recession. Politically leaders in government service and disaffected leaders in military opposition in the bush both continue to demand a fairer distribution of central resources. But the possibility of generating, at the grass-roots, both the resources necessary for non-salary costs and the necessary influence to demand services, is something which could be further explored in the interests of all parties. This is a potential new direction for reform in development administration.  相似文献   
248.
What are the key challenges for the public sector at present, and what will the future public service look like if it is to meet these challenges? These questions were put to public‐sector leaders at a conference at the Wye River Plantation in June 1999. The leaders agreed on aspects of a broad vision for the future and the urgent need for a detailed debate on the transition questions that arose.  相似文献   
249.
Presentations of the history of Australian democracy inevitably dwell on the innovative and early democratic practices of the colonies and, later, the nation. Compulsory voting is typically placed in this frame. This article challenges three key pillars of the accepted narrative of the Australian adoption of compulsory voting by placing nineteenth‐century debates over the mandatory franchise in the Australian colonies in the context of other similar democracies in North America. It shows that compulsory voting debates in the colonies were contentious, protracted and motivated by negative experiences of democracy and a desire to limit or order democracy to ensure that engaged minorities did not overwhelm an apathetic majority.  相似文献   
250.
Silent demons     
Goff D 《Newsweek》2008,152(12):66
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