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711.
Outcomes of armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq indicate that the U.S. has been unprepared to fully address problems related to establishing social and economic stability, security and governance in the aftermath of war. This is unfortunate, given that U.S. policy makers' nation‐building efforts to achieve stability, security and good governance in these nations do not reflect what they should already have learnt about organisational and institutional development from past experiences providing significant development assistance to highly unstable nations. Based on the analysis rendered in this article, ‘smart practice’ development administration in such nations comprises the following key points that link nation building to institutional/organisational development:
  • Nation building (creating new national sovereignty) is different from, and harder than, building government capacity (creating or strengthening institutions and organisations).
  • Given that building government capacity typically requires years of patient assistance and financing, it is better to build on existing indigenous institutions like the civil service and military.
  • The time and expense of development assistance to high security risk nations means that it is advisable to establish a multi‐lateral development assistance plan and a multi‐national, multi‐institutional framework for financing development to pay for all that is necessary over a long period of time (i.e. 20–50 years).
  • Policy makers should emphasise social stability and stable economic growth under self‐governance to prevent actual or perceived economic exploitation.
  • Policy makers' diplomatic efforts should secure accommodation of various stakeholders sufficient to permit compromise leading to formation of an independent government.
  • Where occupation appears necessary to achieve security and stability, policy makers should allocate enough troops and money to do the job, and accurately assess and report all costs of military occupation and nation building.
  • Once occupation has occurred, policy makers should not withdraw military support in a way that would increase the likelihood of civil war.
  • Premature withdrawal of security, economic and political support prior to the point where high security risk nations are capable of governing themselves will cause a power vacuum, and may result in fragmented regional leadership by warlords. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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The authors argue that efficient water allocation is possible through markets as long as water rights are well-defined, enforced, and transferable. They provide a framework for considering third-party and free rider affects from water trades. From this framework, they consider the prospects for developing a market for instream flows. The analysis points to problems with the prior appropriation system for establishing instream flow claims but suggests that there is not reason for water policy to stand in the way of transferring existing consumption rights to instream uses. The authors conclude that changes in water policy which capitalize on market forces will result from conservationconservative coalitions.  相似文献   
714.
Abstract: Ontario's 580 agencies, boards, and commissions (ABCs), including the 91 administrative tribunals, have been a collection of bodies, the product of ad hoc government decisions, with no overall planning or coordination of their operations. During the past decade, on their own initiative, they have developed a coordinating capacity which, if responded to by the government, can enhance their operations as well as assure a more effective program of reform. Sommaire: Les 580 agences et commissions de l'Ontario, y compris les 91 tribunaux administratifs, constituent un groupe d'organismes résultant de décisions gouvernementales ad hoc, sans aucune planification ou coordination globale quant à leur fonctionnement. Au cours de la dernière décennie, suivant leur propre initiative, elles ont développé leur propre fonction de coordination. Si le gouvernement répond à cette initiative, il sera dès lors possible d'améliorer leur fonctionnement et de rendre plus efficace leur programme de réforme.  相似文献   
715.
The decade of the 1980s witnessed a dramatic transformation in the character of homelessness in the United States and elsewhere in the developed world. Whereas in previous decades the U.S. homeless were predominantly older, largely white, brokendown alcoholic men (or at least were stereotypified as such), today a sizable fraction are women and children. Indeed, women, children, and youth now comprise more than three-eighths of the total homeless population of the United States (Wright 1989). As the U.S. homeless have come to be comprised of proportionally more women and children, so have they come more and more to resemble the street populations of the Third World, where homelessness, family disorganization, exploitation, and abandonment of children have become increasingly important problems during the past decade.  相似文献   
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The article reviews the California court system and the adversary system for resolving divorce and makes substantial recommendations for changing this process, emphasizing judicial management in a problem-solving context rather than the current system of pitting the two parents against one another. This article represents a major statement in the nature of a forum to create a more humane and just process.  相似文献   
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This study used a pre- and postevaluation with a control group to compare the effectiveness of two divorce education programs: skill-based Children in the Middle (CIM) and informationbased Children First in Divorce (CFD). Each treatment group consisted of approximately 125 divorcing parents mandated to attend divorce education in Florida. The control group consisted of 64 divorcing parents not mandated to attend divorce education in Alabama for lack of a program. Treatment and control parents lived in comparable cities with comparable demographics. Results indicate that CIM, not CFD, improved parental communication. Both CIM and CFD reduced child exposure to parental conflict. Neither program had effects on domestic violence, actual parental conflict, or child behavior problems. Across all groups, parents with greater divorce knowledge and communication skills experienced more reciprocal discussions with the other parent, less parental conflict, less domestic violence, and they exposed children to less conflict.  相似文献   
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