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This article discusses from the perspective of democratic theory an innovative proposal for the selection of constitutional, supreme court, or federal judges that aims at combining the values of expertise and political independence. It consists in combining a certification process – selecting a pool of properly qualified candidates – with a random selection among this pool. We argue that such selection procedure would better respect the separation of powers and the specific legitimacy of courts, and we champion this two‐stage mechanism vis‐à‐vis other, more traditionally employed, selection procedures. We then deal with a diversity of objections to our proposal and conclude by taking stock of both its virtues and limitations. 相似文献
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Paolo Roma Luciano Giromini Franco Burla Stefano Ferracuti Donald J. Viglione Cristina Mazza 《Psychological injury and law》2020,13(1):57-65
The Inventory of Problems-29 (IOP-29; Viglione, Giromini, & Landis, Journal of Personality Assessment, 99(5), 534–544, 2017) is a 29-item, recently published, self-administered test aimed at assessing the credibility of various symptom presentations. Although available research strongly supports the use of this symptom validity test in malingering-related contexts, to date, only few studies have analyzed data from real-life forensic evaluations. To fill this gap and explore ecological and convergent validity, the current study analyzed data from 74 court-ordered evaluations aimed at establishing the possible presence of psychological injury. Such evaluations are high-stakes situations in which exaggeration or malingering occur relatively often. We used a research-supported and popular symptom validity test, i.e., the Structured Inventory of Malingered Symptomatology (SIMS; Smith & Burger, Journal of the American Academy on Psychiatry and Law, 25:180–183, 1997), as our criterion variable. The IOP-29 produced excellent area under the curve (AUC) values of .98 with a recommended SIMS total score cutoff (≥ 17) and .99 when eliminating too-close-to-classify cases (Rogers & Bender, 2018) and very large Cohen’s d effect sizes of 2.98 and 3.59, respectively. Crucially, when implementing established cut scores from previous research, the IOP-29 yielded very high specificity and sensitivity rates, and the predictions from the two tests were strikingly similar. Taken together, these findings support the strong convergent validity of the IOP-29 and its utility in applied clinical and forensic settings. 相似文献
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Lisa Kiang Terry D. Blumenthal Erika N. Carlson Yolanda N. Lawson J. Clark Shell 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(2):164-174
Physiologic reactivity to racially rejecting images was assessed in 35 young adults (10 males, 25 female) from African-American
backgrounds using the startle probe paradigm. In a laboratory setting, participants viewed 16 images depicting racial rejection,
racial acceptance, nonracial negative, and nonracial positive themes. While viewing these images, startling bursts of noise
were presented and the magnitude of the eyeblink responses were measured. Results supported an attentional mechanism which
suggests that, while viewing both racially rejecting and nonracial positive images, individuals may be so absorbed in processing
the images that they appear less distracted by the startling noise. However, these patterns were only found for participants
low in racial regard. Young adults who felt positively about their racial background did not exhibit differential processing
of startle stimuli as a function of slide themes. Race-rejection sensitivity did not moderate startle reactivity. Developmental
implications, particularly in light of coping with racial discrimination, are discussed.
相似文献
Lisa KiangEmail: |
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Donald A. Devito 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):275-276
How international organizations influence the domestic politics and foreign policies of states is often ignored in the study of international cooperation. This article develops an approach focusing on how states may influence the international agenda, which then shapes the position‐taking opportunities and constraints politicians face as they try to maintain their domestic political positions. This article is a preliminary exploration of how agenda setting works, what kinds of agenda‐setting strategies are available, and under what conditions agenda setting matters. Aspects of past secessionist crises will be used to clarify the discussion. The interaction between domestic position taking and international agenda setting will then be applied to the current crisis in Yugoslavia to determine why Greece, in particular, has been more influential than one might have expected. 相似文献
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