全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1889篇 |
免费 | 39篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 150篇 |
工人农民 | 58篇 |
世界政治 | 155篇 |
外交国际关系 | 98篇 |
法律 | 1108篇 |
中国政治 | 19篇 |
政治理论 | 337篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 17篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 43篇 |
2015年 | 71篇 |
2014年 | 66篇 |
2013年 | 386篇 |
2012年 | 85篇 |
2011年 | 73篇 |
2010年 | 97篇 |
2009年 | 92篇 |
2008年 | 77篇 |
2007年 | 87篇 |
2006年 | 85篇 |
2005年 | 95篇 |
2004年 | 59篇 |
2003年 | 27篇 |
2002年 | 49篇 |
2001年 | 92篇 |
2000年 | 22篇 |
1999年 | 12篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 14篇 |
1995年 | 11篇 |
1994年 | 12篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 13篇 |
1991年 | 15篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 18篇 |
1988年 | 9篇 |
1987年 | 12篇 |
1986年 | 13篇 |
1985年 | 13篇 |
1984年 | 13篇 |
1983年 | 8篇 |
1982年 | 14篇 |
1981年 | 10篇 |
1980年 | 11篇 |
1979年 | 9篇 |
1978年 | 9篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 8篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
1943年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1928条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
Do citizens hold congressional candidates accountable for their policy positions? Recent studies reach different conclusions on this important question. In line with the predictions of spatial voting theory, a number of recent survey-based studies have found reassuring evidence that voters choose the candidate with the most spatially proximate policy positions. In contrast, most electoral studies find that candidates’ ideological moderation has only a small association with vote margins, especially in the modern, polarized Congress. We bring clarity to these discordant findings using the largest dataset to date of voting behavior in congressional elections. We find that the ideological positions of congressional candidates have only a small association with citizens’ voting behavior. Instead, citizens cast their votes “as if” based on proximity to parties rather than individual candidates. The modest degree of candidate-centered spatial voting in recent Congressional elections may help explain the polarization and lack of responsiveness in the contemporary Congress. 相似文献
82.
83.
84.
Chris Ealham 《Labor History》2017,58(3):245-270
Revisionist historians and their Neo-Revisionist/conservative fellow travellers identify the Spanish left as the main cause of the civil war (1936–1939) that culminated in the establishment of the Franco dictatorship. Such claims are possible because these historians distort both the history of the left and the nature of social protest and mass mobilisation during these years. In part, the reliance of Neo-Revisionist/conservative historians on the methods of traditional political history – combined with their stubborn aversion to social history – makes it impossible for them to understand the left. This article argues that only through social history is it possible to comprehend the complex and shifting nature of protest dynamics in the 1930s. Indeed, many of the conflicts that played out in the political arena during these years were conditioned by structural economic problems and social tensions that resulted in diverse forms of radical contestation among the grassroots of leftist movements. Social, and indeed cultural history, are, therefore, central to any analysis of the myriad forms of these protest energies that flowed from the bottom up to shape the orientation of the leftist organisations. 相似文献
85.
Chris Wilson 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2017,23(3):280-296
Spoilers of peace agreements are normally seen as motivated by utility maximization, their actions intended to gain a larger proportion of postconflict political power or economic wealth. In this article, I examine this perspective via a comparative analysis of two cases of spoiler violence in Assam, India, one involving a spoiler excluded from the agreement and the other a spoiler central to the peace process and the postconflict political and economic milieu. Both cases suggest that some spoiling action following peace agreements is less instrumental and driven more by emotional and ideological phenomena than this leading understanding suggests. 相似文献
86.
Dr. Laura E. Donaldson 《Women's Studies: An inter-disciplinary journal》2013,42(3-4):373-387
Wanton Eyes &; Chaste Desires: Female Sexuality in The Faerie Queene. By Sheila T. Cavanagh. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994. Colonial American Travel Narratives. Edited by Wendy Martin. London and New York: Penguin, 1994. The Invention of Pornography: Obscenity and the Origins of Modernity, 1500–1800. Edited by Lynn Hunt. New York: Zone Books, 1993. 相似文献
87.
Both at Nordic and European level, public research funding is taking new forms. In this article we identify some new trends and ask which consequences they could have for interdisciplinary research, especially for studies on gender. Based on data gathered in an on‐going EU research project on interdisciplinarity and the integration of Humanities and the Social Sciences, we discuss the Nordic situation in comparison to some European countries which are part of the project. We argue that the new trends are contradictory and ambiguous. We explore what happens to disciplinary divisions in the emerging new structures. In a tentative conclusion we suggest that the European streamlining of research funding in combination with a demand for large‐scale co‐operation are possible threats to small interdisciplinary fields like feminist research. While disciplinary boundaries on a structural level seem to dissolve, they are maintained in application and evaluation practices. Research programmes focusing on interdisciplinarity and themes within feminist research might instead be opportunities. 相似文献
88.
89.
Chris Waterman 《Local Government Studies》2014,40(6):938-953
Abstract Since the establishment of the tri-partite system of state education after the Second World War, the once simple relationships between central government and local government and the individual school have become increasingly complex. This article considers the key governance issues for schools and colleges in England and how they have been affected by the redistribution of power between central government and local government. The principal foci are the main legislative changes and the impact they have had on the respective powers and responsibilities of central government, local government and schools and colleges. The radical developments since the formation of the coalition government in May 2010 have accelerated the shift of power to central government from local government and by the end of the first term of the coalition the local authority will have little more than a vestigial role in the provision of secondary education and a diminishing role in primary and special education. As academy status becomes the norm (as it already is for secondary schools in some authorities) central government will be dealing directly with autonomous schools and academy chains. With more schools directly employing staff and with funding levels set nationally, the pattern and nature of public education will have been irrevocably changed. 相似文献
90.