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Richard C. Howard Najat Khalifa Conor Duggan 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(6):658-672
Background: Evidence suggests the relationship between personality disorder (PD) and violence in offenders might be clarified by considering sub-groups of PD offenders defined by patterns of PD comorbidity. Aim: to identify patterns of PD comorbidity associated with severe violence, defined by its severity, quantity and age of onset (Violence Index: VI) in a forensic sample of 100 PD offenders. Methods: Correlations were first computed between VI and a range of personality and criminological variables; next, patients with antisocial/borderline comorbidity were compared with other PD patients; finally, regression analysis was conducted to identify unique predictors of VI. Results: The antisocial deviance factor of psychopathy and antisocial/borderline comorbidity were each significantly and independently associated with severe violence. Patients showing both a high psychopathy score and antisocial/borderline comorbidity had a significantly greater VI than those without these characteristics. Conclusion: PD patients with high psychopathy co-occurring with borderline and antisocial PDs show a criminal profile characterised by a high degree of serious violence. 相似文献
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Duggan Colleen; Bailey Claudia Paz y Paz; Guillerot Julie 《Int J Transitional Justice》2008,2(2):192-213
Sexual and reproductive violence (SRV) perpetrated against womenduring war or under authoritarian regimes is one of the mostsevere manifestations of gender-based violence. The authorsask how governments in new or reforming democracies hope torepair SRV and how state programs for reparation might be conceptualizedand delivered. By examining the cases of Guatemala and Peru,they explore the problematic of repairing damage caused by SRVand comment on prospects for redress to victims in each country. 相似文献
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From 1991 to 2009, the fraction of Medicaid recipients enrolled in HMOs and other forms of Medicaid managed care (MMC) increased from 11 percent to 71 percent. This increase was largely driven by state and local mandates that required most Medicaid recipients to enroll in an MMC plan. Theoretically, it is ambiguous whether the shift from fee‐for‐service into managed care would lead to an increase or a reduction in Medicaid spending. This paper investigates this effect using a data set on state‐ and local‐level MMC mandates and detailed data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) on state Medicaid expenditures. The findings suggest that shifting Medicaid recipients from fee‐for‐service into MMC did not on average reduce Medicaid spending. If anything, our results suggest that the shift to MMC increased Medicaid spending and that this effect was especially present for risk‐based HMOs. However, the effects of the shift to MMC on Medicaid spending varied significantly across states as a function of the generosity of the state's baseline Medicaid provider reimbursement rates. 相似文献
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Christopher Duggan 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2004,50(3):315-329
This paper will examine the problems of nation-building in Italy in later nineteenth century Italy, focusing principally on the ideas and policies of the man who dominated the country in the 1880s and 1890s, Francesco Crispi. It will be my contention that Crispi and many of his political contemporaries on both the left and the right were strongly conscious of the mobilising and nationalising potential of "the other", and to an extent manipulated and deliberately exaggerated threats posed both by internal enemies — principally the Catholics and the socialists — and external enemies — above all France. Crispi's attitude to France and the French was complex and highly ambivalent, and I will suggest — using as evidence his speeches, writings, and political actions, above all when prime minister in 1887–91 — that there was an element of disingenuousness in his repeated claims that France was bent on destroying Italy. What Crispi was trying to do was to create a climate of tension that would not only bring the population together, but might also lead on to a war, in alliance with Germany — a war that would finally cement the country's "moral unity". 相似文献
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Niall Duggan & Teemu Naaraj?rvi 《当代中国》2015,24(95):943-960
The Chinese public's domestic expectation is that its state will ensure a safe and affordable supply of food. However, in doing so, China has acquired large amounts of farmland abroad which has raised concerns among many developing countries. It has been argued that land grabbing in the developing world is a form of neo-colonialism. This role of a colonial power is in conflict with China's historical role, which presents China as a leader of the developing world. In order to bring these role expectations into conformity with each other, China has taken a more active role in global food security governance. It has brought food security to what is becoming the core of the global governance decision-making system, the G20. China's historical role, together with its growing economic power, has helped to push the G20 to understand the importance of food security. This has shifted the G20's understanding of economic global governance away from the traditional fields of banking and trade regulation toward understanding the developmental-oriented economic structure. 相似文献