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951.
Jay K. Dow 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):117-136
This study assesses whether gender-based differences in political knowledge primarily result from differences in observable
attributes or from differences in returns for otherwise equivalent characteristics. It applies a statistical decomposition
methodology to data obtained from the 1992–2004 American National Election Studies. There is a consistent 10-point gender
gap in measured political knowledge, of which approximately one-third is due to gender-based differences in the characteristics
that predict political knowledge, with the remaining two-thirds due to male–female differences in the returns to these characteristics.
The methodology identifies the relative contribution of the predictors of political knowledge to each portion of the gap,
and then uses this information to elucidate the underlying sources of the political knowledge gender gap and its prognosis.
Education is the characteristic that most clearly enlarges the gap, with men receiving significantly larger returns to political
knowledge from education than women. Group membership reduces the gap as women obtain gains in political knowledge from belonging
to organizations that do not accrue to men. However, these gains are not sufficient to significantly reduce the gap.
相似文献
Jay K. DowEmail: |
952.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
953.
From 9/11 in the U.S. to train, subway, and airport bombings elsewhere, individuals frequently must make political decisions
in the shadow of terrorist attacks. To date, few studies have examined how times of terror threat influence voters’ decision-making
processes. Using data generated from three experiments we show that, in times of terrorist threat (compared to good times),
individuals weight leadership more heavily in the voting booth. Our results also shed light on how much weight is given to
other determinants of the vote (issues and partisanship) across these two conditions. 相似文献
954.
Does public policy respond to public opinion? Previous research suggests dynamic representation occurs in the aggregate. Yet, most of the evidence for policy response is limited to the policy intentions of elected officials on issues related to more or less government spending. We examine policy response to an alternative dimension of public mood, public preferences for more or less punitive criminal justice policies, using multiple indicators of policy from various stages of the policy-making process. Criminal justice policy should be responsive to public preferences given the public’s concern about crime and the negative social construction of criminals. Thus, there is an electoral incentive for public officials to respond to public preferences along this alternative dimension of public sentiment regarding criminal justice policy. We estimate a DYMIMIC model of federal criminal justice policy as a function of the multiple dimensions of public policy mood using Kalman filtering. The results indicate that criminal justice policy responds to the second, not the first, dimension of public mood. We find evidence that policy-makers at multiple stages of the policy process are able to differentiate among multiple signals from the public and respond appropriately. The results present a more sophisticated portrait of democratic responsiveness. 相似文献
955.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2009,46(1):21-28
The reception of David Riesman’s classic sociological work The Lonely Crowd exemplifies both the possibilities and perils of the work of public intellectuals. The book was almost universally misread
as a paean to inner-direction, and a lament upon the decline of the independent American spirit. But it was something rather
more different, and more complex, than either of these things. 相似文献
956.
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958.
Jonathan S. Morris 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):79-102
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis
of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher
during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily
based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused
much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous
physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party
conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These
relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic
ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent. 相似文献
959.
A heated debate developed in South Africa as to the meaning of ‘deliberative democracy’. This debate is fanned by the claims of ‘traditional leaders’ that their ways of village-level deliberation and consensus-oriented decision-making are not only a superior process for the African continent as it evolves from pre-colonial tradition, but that it represents a form of democracy that is more authentic than the Western version. Proponents suggest that traditional ways of deliberation are making a come-back because imported Western models of democracy that focus on the state and state institutions miss the fact that in African societies state institutions are often seen as illegitimate or simply absent from people's daily lives. In other words, traditional leadership structures are more appropriate to African contexts than their Western rivals. Critics suggest that traditional leaders, far from being authentic democrats, are power-hungry patriarchs and authoritarians attempting to both re-invent their political, social and economic power (frequently acquired under colonial and apartheid rule) and re-assert their control over local-level resources at the expense of the larger community. In this view, the concept of deliberative democracy is being misused as a legitimating device for a politics of patriarchy and hierarchy, which is the opposite of the meaning of the term in the European and US sense. This article attempts to contextualise this debate and show how the efforts by traditional leaders to capture an intermediary position between rural populations and the state is fraught with conflicts and contradictions when it comes to forming a democratic state and society in post-apartheid South Africa. 相似文献
960.