首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   77227篇
  免费   3293篇
各国政治   4536篇
工人农民   3092篇
世界政治   6522篇
外交国际关系   3913篇
法律   39333篇
中国共产党   14篇
中国政治   790篇
政治理论   21358篇
综合类   962篇
  2021年   423篇
  2020年   1183篇
  2019年   1542篇
  2018年   1775篇
  2017年   2103篇
  2016年   2260篇
  2015年   1837篇
  2014年   2108篇
  2013年   10652篇
  2012年   1855篇
  2011年   2038篇
  2010年   1976篇
  2009年   2163篇
  2008年   2036篇
  2007年   2022篇
  2006年   2114篇
  2005年   2014篇
  2004年   1915篇
  2003年   1738篇
  2002年   1740篇
  2001年   2099篇
  2000年   1861篇
  1999年   1577篇
  1998年   1251篇
  1997年   1087篇
  1996年   1054篇
  1995年   1018篇
  1994年   1042篇
  1993年   1033篇
  1992年   1206篇
  1991年   1273篇
  1990年   1185篇
  1989年   1237篇
  1988年   1207篇
  1987年   1221篇
  1986年   1246篇
  1985年   1278篇
  1984年   1134篇
  1983年   1194篇
  1982年   990篇
  1981年   938篇
  1980年   751篇
  1979年   841篇
  1978年   655篇
  1977年   612篇
  1976年   561篇
  1975年   488篇
  1974年   500篇
  1973年   506篇
  1972年   439篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
901.
It is by now widely accepted that social science research has only an indirect and general impact on public policymaking. Academic social science research, it is often argued, is antithetical to policy research: the former is animated by traditional scientific canons while the latter is specific and problem-oriented. Moreover, modern bureaucracies are now understood as political environments within which pure research will be routinely ignored if it does not serve someone's interests. For these and other reasons, social scientists are being encouraged either to eschew policy research or not to expect much influence. This article provides an alternative model of social scientists in the policy process, as consulting critics reviewing, analyzing and commenting upon substantive policy research. This model holds benefits for both scholars and clients, turns the canons of scientific inquiry into assets instead of liabilities, and responds to some of the concerns recently raised in the literature concerning the role of social science in the policy process.  相似文献   
902.
903.
904.
A precise method for evaluating election schemes   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
A previously published paper evaluated election schemes under a wide variety of election circumstances. This paper improves upon the previous work by refining the measures used to rate the election schemes and increasing the statistical significance of those ratings. With these modifications, we can now draw some new conclusions:
  1. In general circumstances, the Borda System outperforms the Copeland System which outperforms Approval which outperforms Majority Rule.
  2. The Maximin Rule — strongly supported by Rawls's — turns out to be a reasonable election rule if the number of election alternatives is large relative to the number of voters.
  3. With two exceptions, all our election systems performed quite well given a society with highly correlated utilities.
  4. Given a polarized society, a serial dictatorship was better than every other election system except Borda.
Perhaps even more importantly, we now have the possibility of conducting some cost/benefit analyses of different proposals for electoral changes.  相似文献   
905.
906.
There is always a temptation to suppose that one's own problems (whether personal or national) are unique. They rarely are. The "problem" of the elderly is no exception and so there is no particular point in looking to the specific characteristics of one's own health, social service, and social security systems for causes. There is, however, every reason to be looking at them for the consequences. They can also exacerbate the causes. In this paper we sketch the principal features (economic, social, and demographic) that have contributed to the "problem" of the elderly in Europe and then outline the main intellectual issues that need to be explored and resolved. That sounds a bit pompous but, if one is to avoid an intellectual morass consisting of the various assertions about needs, obligations, and so on that emanate from rival concerned parties and various professional interests on the one hand, and simplistic political slogans whose only virtue is that they cut the Gordian Knot (but provide no real enlightenment) on the other, then we need to be doing just this. We shall take a few things for granted: that cost-containment is not the be-all-and-end-all of policy; that value for money depends equally on what you get as on what you spend; that overall expenditure per head is mainly determined by income per head (though some countries have managed to get and stay below the regression line); and that it "ain't so" that all one needs to do is to "leave it to the market." To have justified each of these would have taken too much space so we can only assert them and trust that, in swallowing these camels, you won't strain at the gnats to come.  相似文献   
907.
908.
909.
910.
The New Midwifery, a form of community midwifery rooted in home birth and intensive prenatal and postnatal care, has attracted great controversy since its appearance in British Columbia in the early 1970s. On the one hand, this form of community midwifery has endured despite legal prohibition. Midwives derive an income from their practices, obtain necessary supplies and equipment, and are active in lobbying for recognition through the State. On the other hand, community midwifery is marginalized and illegal. Out-of-hospital births comprise less than one percent of births in British Columbia (and nationwide). Community midwives are excluded from the provincal Medical Services Plan and they lack hospital privileges if their clients are transferred to hospital. Community midwives are more likely than medical personnel to be tried for criminal negligence causing death and subject to prosecution under theMedical Practitioners Act of practicing medicine without a license.Community midwifery illustrates the structural limits placed on female birth attendants working outside the norm of professionally accredited, hospital situated childbirth. It is concluded that State measures in Canada structure power relations in a dialectical fashion. This includes measures to consolidate the monopoly status of the medical profession and the nursing profession, while temporizing about demands for independent midwifery practice. State powers are however relatively autonomous of dominant economic groups such as the Medical profession. Not all prosecutions of community midwives are successful, and contradictions in State policies surrounding monopolistic powers and civil liberties, and gender relations are evident.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Canadian Sociology and Anthropology Association Meetings, University of Manitoba, June 1986. The author is grateful for resources provided through the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Department of Anthropology and Sociology (University of British Columbia), and the School of Criminology, Simon Fraser University. Comments from Carol Bullock, Nanette Davis, Bob Ratner, Livy Visano and the Journal referees have been helpful in revising this paper.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号