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Edward C. Page 《Public administration》2003,81(4):651-679
How are government policy commitments converted into legislation and what happens in the conversion? The role of civil servants in preparing legislation is far more important than is generally assumed. By looking at the work of four recent bill teams in Britain – teams of civil servants given the task of developing Acts of Parliament – their crucial roles in initiating policies, placing them on the political agenda (even helping secure their place in a party manifesto), developing them, making sure they pass through parliament and enacting them once they have reached the statute books are assessed. The article explores the composition and working methods of bill teams. These teams work with considerable autonomy in developing legislation, but it cannot be assumed that they operate outside ministerial control. Teams see themselves as reflecting the priorities of the government in general and their ministers in particular. Yet ministers typically know relatively little about the law they are bringing in until they receive the submissions and briefings from their officials. Perhaps the biggest danger for democracy is not a civil service putting forward proposals which a minister feels forced to accept, but rather that ministers do not notice or fully appreciate what is being proposed in their name despite having the political authority to change it and a civil service which bends over backwards to consult and accommodate them. 相似文献
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Edward M. Gramlich 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1987,6(3):417-431
Present public welfare policies and various proposals for reforming them do not often exploit the advantages of cooperation between otherwise competing altruists. The article examines this principle from a number of perspectives. It shows first how the advantages of the existing cooperative payments structure could be lost in some widely-publicized welfare reform proposals, and it makes a suggestion for retaining these advantages. The article next shows how the same principle could be used to improve existing incentives for private giving. Finally, it uses the same logic to rationalize newly evolving notions of sharing responsibility between governments and the recipients themselves. 相似文献
878.
The implications of racial differences for shelter services has become an increasing concern with the expansion and development of shelters for battered women. This study employs bivariate cross-tabulations and discriminant analysis of shelter intake and exit interviews to determine the most influential variables in differentiating anglo, black, and hispanic women. The groups appear to be differentiated most by income and marital related variables, and very little by abuse and help-seeking variables. The findings suggest that the greatest differences overall are between anglo and hispanic women, and that additional economic and educational supports need to be directed to the hispanic group. 相似文献
879.
Edward W. Gondolf 《Journal of family violence》1998,13(2):131-145
An experimental outreach program offered shelter-based support groups or phone counseling to battered women in the criminal and civil courts. The outreach project attempted to contact 1,895 eligible women drawn from the court dockets. Nearly 50% of these women could not be reached, another third refused services, and about a fifth of the women accepted either the shelter-based counseling or phone counseling. However, only 19% (n = 71) of those who accepted service (or less than 4% of the total eligible women) actually participated in the service. The women refused services primarily because they did not feel they needed them; they accepted service mainly to get help with their emotions. The women who participated in the shelter-based counseling tended to be of a higher social economic status than women who generally contacted the courts. The main problems for the women in phone counseling was recurring abuse from their partners and getting help for their children. The findings may suggest different types of battered women that warrant different strategies to reach them. The outreach efforts might be further developed, as well, to more actively recruit and engage women in general. 相似文献
880.
Karol Edward Sołltan 《Public Choice》1988,57(2):155-173
This paper tries to help bridge the inductive and the deductive traditions in the study of democracy. I identify two empirical patterns, which I call the paradox of conflict and the paradox of decision importance. More conflict ridden societies are both less likely to be democracies, and, when democratic, more likely to be consensual rather than majoritarian. Similarly, important (revolutionary, regime-transforming) decisions are less likely to be democratic but, when democratic, they are more likely to be consensual. I use a decision-cost-minimizing model of democracy to explain those patterns. The model is developed out of the metaphor of institutions as decision producing firms, attempting to maximize quality and minimize cost of those decisions. Its main intellectual source is the transaction cost-minimizing view of organizations but the formalism owes most to Buchanan and Tullock's Calculus of Consent. 相似文献