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11.
This study examines popular support for separatism among Russians and non-Russian titular nationalities (titulars) in 10 ethnic republics of the Russian Federation: Karelia, Komi, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan, Udmurtia, Adygea, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria, Sakha-Yakutia and Tuva. A survey was carried out in the urban regions of these republics in 1999 and 2000 in which 5,233 Russians and 4,703 titulars participated. We found that perceived negative inter-group relations significantly contribute to support for separatism among titulars, but reduce support for separatism by Russians. In contrast, indicators of prosperity of the republic and prior separatist elite-activism predict support for separatism among both titulars and Russians. 相似文献
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J. Edwin Benton 《政策研究评论》1983,2(4):615-630
Though many studies have provided only limited support for the idea of policymaker "responsiveness," the present study indicates that constituents do have some impact on public policy decisions, though not directly. With the aid of data on decisionmaking of country property appraisers in Florida, I was able to demonstrate that constituency preferences affect policy decisions indirectly through the effect of decisionmaker attitudes, thus suggesting an intervening model of decisionmaking.
Specifically, I found that constituency tax preferences impacted on property appraiser tax attitude and through it on the property assessment ratio. More importantly, I was able to isolate some of the potential factors which accentuate those relationships posited by an intervening model of decisionmaking. In particular, I found that the more policymakers (the property appraisers) were immersed into their social and political context or engaged in "social interaction" activities the more likely they and their own attitudes were to be influenced by prevailing constituency tax sentiment. 相似文献
Specifically, I found that constituency tax preferences impacted on property appraiser tax attitude and through it on the property assessment ratio. More importantly, I was able to isolate some of the potential factors which accentuate those relationships posited by an intervening model of decisionmaking. In particular, I found that the more policymakers (the property appraisers) were immersed into their social and political context or engaged in "social interaction" activities the more likely they and their own attitudes were to be influenced by prevailing constituency tax sentiment. 相似文献
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In 2001, Martin Cutts redrafted Toy-Safety Directive 88/378/EEC1in plain language. He criticized the language of that Directiveas being archaic legalese.2 He added that Directives, as a whole,were poorly drafted.3 The European Commissions Legal Servicerejected his criticisms. It stated that it had published theEuropean Commissions plain language guidelines4 afterDirective 88/378/EEC had been drafted. In a previous articlein the Statute Law Review,5 Butt and Castles6 plain languageguidelines were explicated using examples from Directive 2002/2/EC.7In this article, their guidelines are applied to the whole ofthat Directive to see if its language is clear, simple,and precise.8 The criticisms made in the previous article,9combined with those made in this article, suggest that the draftersof Directive 2002/2/EC10 have not yet mastered the skill ofwriting in clear, simple, and precise language. 相似文献
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Edwin Bikundo 《Law and Critique》2012,23(1):21-41
This is a theoretical and empirical investigation into the causal link (if any) between international criminal trials and
preventing violence through exemplary prosecutions. Specifically how do representative trials of persons accused of having
the greatest responsibility for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, supposedly bind
recurrent violence? The argument pursued is that by using an accused as an example, a court engages in an indirect and uncertain
substitution of personal rights for social harmony and order. These prosecutions combine a peculiar rhetoric, logic and aesthetic,
all which substitute the responsibilities for a society in general to a particular individual in order to redeem that society
by transferring its communal responsibility onto the individual punished as a form of atonement or expiation. International
and domestic trials, as well as truth and reconciliation commissions, are part of a suite of options addressing communal mass
violence that can work in tandem. However, because those convicted do not have a monopoly on criminality, nor do those merely
reconciled have a monopoly on virtue, exemplification through punishment only targets a few on behalf of the many. Indeed
such a redemptively sacrificial economy distinguishes legal justice from mere vengeance. 相似文献
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In the nineteenth century, British and American parties competed by hiring electoral agents to bribe and treat voters. British parties abruptly abandoned this practice in the 1880s. The conventional explanation is that legislation put an end to agent‐mediated distribution. But this explanation leaves many questions unanswered. Why did the parties use agents for decades, even though they imposed great expense on candidates and were viewed as untrustworthy? And why, after decades of half‐hearted reforms, did the House of Commons pass effective antibribery reforms only in 1883? In our formal model, parties hire agents to solve information problems, but agent‐mediated distribution can be collectively suboptimal. Legislation can serve as a credibility device for shifting to less costly strategies. 相似文献
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Jeffrey Harwood John Phillimore Alan Fenna 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2010,69(1):34-46
Just over a decade since the failed referendum of 1998, statehood for the Northern Territory (NT) is back on the political agenda. The achievement of statehood would be a first for Australian federalism, where no new state has been created or admitted since Federation. Following a discussion of the concept of statehood and how it might be achieved, it traces the political development of the NT. The article then examines the implications of NT statehood for the Australian federation and finds that statehood would facilitate constitutional change in the federation by lowering the threshold required for success in a national referendum. Statehood may also raise questions about the equal representation in the Senate of less populous states. However, statehood would have no effect upon financial arrangements with the Commonwealth, the standing of the Northern Territory at COAG meetings, or the legal standing of the other states. 相似文献