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71.
Abstract: The microtexture and elemental composition of the backing of electrical tapes have been shown to be highly discriminating. In this study, the organic composition of electrical tape was evaluated as a complementary means of distinguishing tape brands. The backing and adhesive of 72 rolls of electrical tape were analyzed via Attenuated Total Reflectance Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy (ATR FTIR) and discriminant analysis was used to classify all samples by brand. Generally, the accuracy for FTIR data (88–99%) was higher than that for elemental data (86–94%). FTIR spectra from the adhesive layer were the most discriminating. In separate studies, two fragments of blast-damaged tape were correctly assigned to their brand of origin and discriminant analysis was used to quantitatively associate or exclude tape samples from two bombing cases.  相似文献   
72.
This study investigated, under real-world conditions, whether a statewide 2-year administrative ignition interlock license restriction program in Maryland was effective in reducing subsequent alcohol-related traffic violations among multiple offenders and whether any reductions in recidivism could be maintained after the program ended and interlock license restrictions were removed. A total of 1,927 drivers eligible for relicensure were randomly assigned to either the 2-year interlock license restriction program or the normal and customary sanctions afforded multiple offenders in Maryland. Recidivism was defined as incurring a subsequent alcohol-impaired driving violation during the 2-year intervention or 2-year postintervention periods. Compared to the control group, participation in the interlock license restriction program reduced drivers’ hazard (or risk) of a subsequent alcohol-impaired driving offense by a statistically significant 36% during the 2-year intervention, 26% during the 2-year postintervention period, and 32% during the entire 4-year study period. This investigation of interlock program effectiveness is the first to report significantly lower recidivism among the interlock group than its control group after the ignition interlock license restriction program ended. Possible reasons for this novel finding and areas for future research are discussed.  相似文献   
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Forensic scientists may sometimes be asked to identify the presence of urine in cases such as harassment, rape or murder. One popular presumptive test method uses para-dimethylaminocinnamaldehyde (DMAC), favoured because it is simple, rapid and safe. This paper confirms that DMAC reacts with urea rather than creatinine, ammonia or uric acid. Sensitivity studies found that the 0.1% w/v DMAC solution currently used for urine identification detects levels of urea found in other body fluids, potentially resulting in false positives. A 0.05% w/v solution was found to be more appropriate in terms of sensitivity to urea however the test is still not specific for urine, giving positive reactions with a number of body fluids (saliva, semen, sweat and vaginal material) and other substances (foot lotion, hair removal cream and broccoli).  相似文献   
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Research on sexual assault case processing remains mixed regarding how extra-legal factors such as the racial-ethnic composition of the defendant-victim dyad may impact prosecutorial decision-making. We use data from 2006–2010 in a Pennsylvania county court jurisdiction to examine the victim- and defendant-related factors that influence charging decisions. We also explore how the demographic and offense characteristics influence decisions to prosecute offenders for more serious types of sexual assault. Our findings indicate that the racial composition of the defendant-victim dyad contributed to the prosecutorial decision to charge an offender with a more serious sexual assault, while victim characteristics and use of violence during the offense were not related to seriousness of the charge.  相似文献   
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Claussen E 《Newsweek》2005,146(2):48, 50
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This article explores the context within which abortion law and discourse in Northern Ireland must be situated and understood, relying in part on post-modern insights into the wider and long-term implications of feminists engaging law and by examining the strategies employed in Northern Ireland around the issue of abortion. In 2001,the Family Planning Association (Northern Ireland) took legal action to force the devolved government to defend at a procedural level the unequal and uncertain form of common law abortion regulation for Northern Ireland. The authors examine the strategy of this review as well as the response of the High Court, suggesting that while it may begin to challenge the legitimacy of abortion law, feminists and pro-choice advocates must prepare for challenges beyond that, the greatest being the cultural challenge. The courts, legislators and other public and political institutions(including the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition) consistently explain the law's lack of provision for women with reference to the `pro-life' majority views of Northern Irish people. The authors question the legitimacy of this claim in a cultural climate of intimidation against the expression of alternative views. Women will continue to be marginalised and devalued in this debate if the silencing of the pro-choice community and bodies responsible for protecting human rights is not redressed. A case is therefore made for a reconceptualisation of the abortion debate from the perspective of women's agency, which, alongside litigation and other strategies, is necessary to overcome the cultural censure that currently prevents meaningful dialogue. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
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In this paper I examine what influences members viewed as shaping their voting decisions on U.S. strategy in the Persian Gulf in January 1991. Rather than focusing on predictors of votes and the outcomes of members' decision-making processes (the yea or nay votes as in roll-call analyses), I focus on the predominant considerations that members perceived as swaying voting choices. More specifically, drawing on data gathered from interviews with 365 congressional staff people, I show that three influences in particular stand out as significant in the decision-making process on this crisis policy: members' own policy views, supportive constituents, and (for certain groups of members) the president. Thus, while the analysis confirms, in part, the conventional view of legislators' personal policy assessments as the critical influence on foreign and defense policy votes, it also underscores that this influence does not operate in a vacuum.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1993 meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.  相似文献   
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