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191.
Barabantseva  Elena 《East Asia》2012,29(1):63-79
This article contributes to the debates on China’s socio-political transformations by tracing the link between China’s modernization and nationalism, and analysing their mutual interplay. Many recent studies discuss post-Mao China’s development as a unique model challenging earlier development approaches. Instead, the argument pursued here points to the dependence of China’s dominant development thinking on the paradigm of modernization and its symbolic celebration in official discourse and public rituals. By tracing the impact of the modernization paradigm in the influential annual publication China Modernization Report and in the 2009 National Day mass parade, the article shows how and what kind of Chinese nation is produced. I argue that China’s ostensibly unique development model is constrained by the modernization thinking underlying it. Analysis of the discourses on modernity and ‘scientific development’ and the symbolism associated with them reveals a series of dichotomies and oppositions underpinning China’s nation-building. China’s pursuit of modernization relies on the suppression of other possible development paths within China and subsumes Chinese development experiences under those of the generalised West, thereby restricting development alternatives to those allowed within a hierarchical view of the world.  相似文献   
192.
A case of fatal hypernatraemia after laparoscopic treatment of hydatid livers cysts is presented in order to highlight the risks associated with the implementation of newer techniques and the use of hypertonic saline as a scolecocidal agent in hydatid disease. Additionally this case raises some concerns on the importance of obtaining a patient's informed consent.  相似文献   
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The present work has a two-fold aim: (a) to verify the difference in civic behavior enacted by socially engaged young people in a lasting and structured form, sealed by membership in an organization, on the one hand, and in non-engaged young people, on the other hand; (b) to identify a pattern of characteristics (personal, social, and familial) able to explain civic behavior. Participants, 577 young adults from ages 19 to 29, filled out a self-report questionnaire. The results of the t test for independent samples confirm the presence of the difference between means of scores on the civic behavior. Moreover, data confirm a model in which civic behavior is predicted by personal identity, engagement values, family discussion of current events, the quality of previous membership experiences in socially oriented groups (membership), and finally, in a mediator position, by sense of community. The present study has many implications for researchers and practitioners.  相似文献   
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A population study on 13 tetra- and pentameric STR loci (D3S1358, VWA, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D16S539, D2S1338, D19S433, THO1, FGA, ACTBP2 (SE33), Penta D and Penta E) was performed with Romanians from the Bucharest area.  相似文献   
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A simple and reliable gas chromatographic method with nitrogen-phosphorus detection without derivatization was developed for the detection of several psychiatric drugs in whole blood as part of systematic toxicological analyses (STA). Drugs included mirtazapine, chlorpromazine, methotrimeprazine (levomepromazine), clothiapine, olanzapine, clozapine, haloperidol, and thioridazine. All drugs were studied at concentrations of 100-2,000 microg/L, except haloperidol that was studied at concentrations of 400-8,000 microg/L. In order to select the best blood purification procedure and therefore increase the signal to noise ratio we have compared two solid-phase extraction (SPE) columns, Chem Elut and Bond Elut Certify, for their recovery, precision, sensitivity and matrix purification efficiency. Recoveries for these drugs using Chem Elut columns at 500 and 2,000 microg/L (2,000 and 8,000 microg/L for haloperidol) were in the range 21-65%, with intra-assay and inter-assay precisions of less than 17% and 19%, respectively. Limits of detection (LODs) and limits of quantitation (LOQs) for mirtazapine, chlorpromazine, methotrimeprazine, clothiapine, olanzapine, clozapine, and thioridazine ranged from 62 to 161 microg/L and from 205 to 531 microg/L, respectively. LOD and LOQ for haloperidol were 442 and 1,458 microg/L, respectively. Recoveries of these compounds using Bond Elut Certify columns at 500 and 2,000 microg/L (2,000 and 8,000 microg/L for haloperidol) were in the range 44-97%, with intra-assay and inter-assay precisions of less than 7% and 14%, respectively. LODs and LOQs for mirtazapine, chlorpromazine, methotrimeprazine, clothiapine, olanzapine, clozapine, and thioridazine ranged from 37 to 66 microg/L and from 122 to 218 microg/L, respectively. LOD and LOQ for haloperidol were 156 and 515 microg/L, respectively. Linearity was observed in the studied range for all compounds with r(2) values of >0.999. The use of the mixed-mode bonded-silica Bond Elut Certify columns showed advantages comparing with Chem Elut columns for the screening of these psychotropic agents such as higher recoveries, cleaner extracts, better sensitivity, better precision and less solvent consumption and subsequent disposal.  相似文献   
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Is Belarus an enviable constant in international relations: a maverick, isolated from the West and inseparable from the East? On the surface, there seems to be business as usual: Lukashenko's regime remains unchallenged; Belarus’ relations with the European Union – spasmodic at best; while its absorption into Russia's Eurasian project continues apace. Yet, some critical disjunctures – manifested in government tacit resistance to Russia's influence, and more instructively, in people's growing affinity with Europe – may indicate a sea-change transformation in the very fabric of society. This article, utilizing extensive and subject-focused research, conducted in the country between 2009 and 2013, examines the nature and causalities of the occurring change. It argues that democracy promotion, in Belarus’ case, may work better when depoliticized and inculcated, through norms, regulations, and practices of international order, into the daily lives of individuals. Through its continued technocratic, inclusive, and sector-level engagement, European Union governance, even under the conditions of limited bilateral dialogue, have succeeded in fostering much-needed space for reciprocal learning and critical reasoning, which may have far greater transformative potential than manufacturing a single collective will for democracy building.  相似文献   
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