The case for government involvement in the management of cutbacks by public service organizations

Abstract: The literature on cutback management does not address the role of government in inducing creative strategies to deal with retrenchment. As this paper argues, government should not limit itself to economizing but should also provide administrative leadership, especially with respect to developing interorganizational cooperation and evaluating effectiveness. Interorganizational theory and research suggest that organizations are reluctant to interact, a tendency which becomes intensified in periods of decline. Such literature also indicates that government is in a position to motivate priority planning at the network level and cooperation between the organizations it funds. An examination of the strategies of the Ontario Ministry of Community and Social Services illustrates that there is little interest in facing this challenge. Although the ideas expressed in this paper contradict the logic of pluralism, and the political safety it provides to government, adopting a stronger managerial position regarding cutback strategies will eventually gain legitimacy. Sommaire: Les textes portant sur la gestion des coupures budgétaires ne se penchent pas sur le rôle du gouvernement dans l'amorce de mesures innovatrices en ce qui a trait à la compression des dépenses. Comme il est dit dans cet article, le gouvernement ne devrait pas se contenter d'économiser, mais devrait aussi faire preuve de leadership en matiere administrative. Il devrait en particulier amplifier la coopération interorganisationnelle et évaluer l'efficacité des programmes. La théorie et les recherches sur l'interorganisation portent à croire que les organismes Bprouvent des réticences à collaborer, tendance qui s'intensifie en périodes de déclin. Ces écrits indiquent aussi que le gouvernement se trouve dans une position où il peut encourager une planification prioritaire au niveau du réeau, et des échanges entre les organismes qu'il subventionne. Si on analyse les mesures prises par le ministère des Services sociaux et communautaires de l'Ontario, on se rend compte que le gouvernement n'a pas très envie de relever le défi. Bien que les idées exprimées dans cet article contredisent la logique du pluralisme et la sécurité politique que ce dernier fournit au government, I'adoption d'une attitude gestionnaire plus forte, en ce qui a trait aux coupures budgétaires et aux mesures à appliquer, sera peut-êre un jour reconnue comme juste.     

Final Notes on the Sadvitīyaprayoga

The following response first points out the obvious methodological disadvantages of Oetke’s decline to use both primary and secondary sources for his interpretation of the sadvitīyaprayoga (sp). Oetke believes that he is able to provide an “objectively adequate” presentation of the sp and describe “the objective properties” of its content without taking the historical context into account. By divorcing meaning from (historical) context, he distorts the presumed original meaning and intention of the sp, and superimposes on it an anachronistic concern with what he calls “the extrapolation principle.” The second part of the response explores the usage of the term sapak?a as a collective term.     

History,Memory and Commemoration: The Iraqi Revolution of 1920 and the Process of Nation Building in Iraq

The Great Iraqi Revolution of 1920 was actually a series of local, mostly Shi‘ite, uprisings against the British forces which had occupied Iraq during the First World War. Even though it was squashed by the British, it has been established since then in the Iraqi collective memory as a war of independence and a formative event of Iraqi nationalism, symbolizing the unity of the Iraqi people, their solidarity and patriotic spirit. This article tries to show how the Great Iraqi Revolution was commemorated and remembered through time in order to provide better understanding about how Iraqis see themselves and their past.     

Forcible Stops: Police and Citizens Speak Out

A recent federal district court decision found that the New York City Police Department engaged in unconstitutional policing. Officers stopped millions of minority young men over the span of several years. Most of those stopped were innocent of any wrongdoing. This article uses qualitative and quantitative research methods to investigate these inequities, examining the views of both the police and those who were stopped. The authors find that pressure on officers emanating from headquarters was responsible for much of the illegal behavior by lower‐level officers. Additionally, youth in minority neighborhoods felt mistreated by the police; this led to distrust in the police. The authors suggest solutions to ameliorate this painful episode in police practice. The article concludes with specific recommendations such as reducing management pressure on officers and police developing community partnerships.     

Police Manipulations of Crime Reporting: Insiders’ Revelations

Social scientists have theorized about the corruption of crime reports (Bayley, 1983; Campbell, 1976). Yet, scant empirical research has examined the impact of modern policing methods on the accuracy of crime reporting. Our research uses an anonymous survey of 1,770 retired New York City police officers examining retirees’ experiences with crime report manipulations across their years of retirement. This includes retirees from the community policing as well as police performance management eras. We subject the data to various statistical tests including tabular analysis, graphical trends to visualize the data, MANOVA, and logistic regression to explain report manipulations. Results indicate that the misuse of the performance management system and pressures on officers from management are key explanations for manipulating crime reports. Individual explanatory variables such as gender, educational status, rank, race, and marital status had no effect. Our research supports Bayley’s and Campbell’s theories. We recommend greater transparency to remedy this.