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991.
Sheila Jasanoff 《Society》2009,46(3):232-234
Aging research may significantly lengthen human life spans in the foreseeable future. This paper argues that we do not need to wait until this happens to prepare for the dislocations that may result. Increased longevity over the past century has already raised urgent, unresolved issues of equity, social cohesion, and human dignity. These developments, and our past experiences in dealing with them, provide a basis for revisiting the basic questions raised by all attempts to extend human life: what does life mean, and why is it worth extending? 相似文献
992.
Daniel Callahan 《Society》2009,46(3):214-220
The idea of radically extending average human life expectancy is an ancient one, but for most of human history exceedingly
utopian. There is now, however, a revival of that idea, with some scientists and others arguing that it is possible and desirable.
But the main problem with most of the life extension enthusiasm is that it is based almost entirely on the desire of some
individuals to make it happen. The social consequences of success of such a venture are, however, either ignored altogether
or dismissed on the grounds that any problems can be dealt with. In the end, none of our present human and social problems
would be helped by radically longer lives and no obvious social benefits have been advanced to support it.
相似文献
Daniel CallahanEmail: |
993.
Dominique Schnapper 《Society》2009,46(2):175-179
Modern democracies increasingly confuse civic or political equality with a radical relativism that calls into question legitimate
principles of hierarchy and the very idea of reasonable value judgments. This confusion reflects a “corruption,” in Montesquieu’s
sense, of democracy rooted in a refusal to recognize distinctions that are integral to both human nature and social life.
A moderate form of cultural relativism is a genuine intellectual achievement that helps combat ethnocentrism and allows one
to better appreciate the full range of human experience. But criteria of meaning and truth are by no means entirely dependent
upon cultural context. Our contemporary awareness of the “relativity” of cultures and historical experiences must be complemented
by a robust appreciation of the universality of Reason and citizenship.
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
Dominique SchnapperEmail: |
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
994.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2009,46(1):21-28
The reception of David Riesman’s classic sociological work The Lonely Crowd exemplifies both the possibilities and perils of the work of public intellectuals. The book was almost universally misread
as a paean to inner-direction, and a lament upon the decline of the independent American spirit. But it was something rather
more different, and more complex, than either of these things. 相似文献
995.
996.
CARL DAHLSTRÖM 《管理》2009,22(2):217-238
This article suggests that key bureaucrats play a decisive role in times of welfare crisis. It argues that key bureaucrats, through their advice, define both the type of welfare crisis and the range of possible solutions, which have at least two important consequences: First, it broadens the distribution of welfare cuts, as key bureaucrats—contrary to politicians—have no interests in targeting special voter groups. Second, it enables political compromises, as both the government and the opposition trust the key bureaucrats' expertise. These suggestions are tested empirically in a case study of Sweden in the 1990s. It shows that key bureaucrats did indeed influence both the distribution of the cuts and enabled a compromise between the center-right government and the Social Democratic opposition. 相似文献
997.
Resettling Refugees in Rural and Regional Australia: Learning from Recent Policy and Program Initiatives 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Brooke McDonald-Wilmsen Sandra M. Gifford Kim Webster† John Wiseman‡ Sue Casey§ 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(1):97-111
Conscious policy and program support for the resettlement of refugees in regional and rural areas is a relatively recent trend in Australia. Resettlement is a complex process that hinges on the establishment of viable communities. This review suggests that its outcomes, especially for refugee communities, are potentially mixed. However, an appropriately resourced, well managed and well planned refugee resettlement program can potentially provide beneficial outcomes for refugees and host communities. This article draws on existing empirical data and contributions made at a VicHealth Roundtable in late 2007 to thematically explore the challenges facing rural and regional resettlement programs. Given that settlement is a dynamic process and the approaches to rural and regional settlement are evolving, this article provides 12 propositions for a more effective and integrated approach to policy and practice. 相似文献
998.
Jermain T.M. Lam 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(S1):S73-S83
This article assesses the practice of political accountability in Hong Kong: whether it has largely been realised in practice, or whether it is merely a political slogan for the government to justify its executive-led governance. The analysis begins with a review of the theoretical concepts of political accountability and ministerial accountability, and then establishes an operational framework to analyse the current practice of political accountability in Hong Kong's political system. It concludes by addressing the degree of political accountability overall. 相似文献
999.
1000.
Nicolas M. Dahan 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2009,9(2):111-123
- In this paper, I propose a new integrated framework which may be used to conduct a thorough analysis of a firm's political environment. The four steps of the methodology include the problem (how a political problem emerges and can be shaped by actors), the procedure (the public decision‐making procedure), the policies (relevant public policies currently implemented) and the players (including policy‐makers as well as participants in the political debate). Together, they form what I call the ‘Four Ps of corporate political activity’.
- This framework can serve not only for environmental analysis and monitoring, but also to improve the effectiveness of a firm's attempts in the field of political influence, through actions such as arena selection, issue framing, the use of procedural opportunities, proactive negotiation of a compromise or gate‐keeping the political arena.