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Erica Righard 《Journal of immigrant & refugee studies》2015,13(3):229-244
This article revisits the social work–migration nexus by investigating the implications of the debate on mobility and transnationalism. The conceptual boundary between migration as single-directed movement and as an extended and multidirected process has been much discussed across the social sciences but not yet fully in social work. However, the dialectic of sedentarism versus mobility makes for a key challenge to the arrangements and the tacit assumptions of this field of research and practice. Building on an innovative analytical framework and on a variety of examples, we highlight the friction between sedentarism and mobility as central to social work with immigrants and their families. 相似文献
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How do non-democratic countries credibly commit to policies in front of domestic and international audiences? Unlike democracies,
non-democracies do not have functioning electoral systems and free presses to make their commitments costly thus credible.
Yet, the need to credibly commit to a policy arises for non-democracies as well. In particular, when non-democratic leaders
push for economic reforms, they need to coordinate the beliefs of domestic groups and attract international resources. How
do non-democracies solve the commitment problem and succeed in achieving their policy goals? In this study, we argue that
international institutions provide an important mechanism through which non-democratic countries could credibly signal their
commitment to open economic policies. We test the argument with the involvement of IMF programs by post-communist countries
from 1989 to 2005. We find that while IMF status is used as a credible commitment device for all countries, the effect is
more significant for non-democracies. 相似文献
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Sean F. Reardon Elena Tej Grewal Demetra Kalogrides Erica Greenberg 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2012,31(4):876-904
In this paper, we investigate whether the school desegregation produced by court‐ordered desegregation plans persists when school districts are released from court oversight. Over 200 medium‐sized and large districts were released from desegregation court orders from 1991 to 2009. We find that racial school segregation in these districts increased gradually following release from court order, relative to the trends in segregation in districts remaining under court order. These increases are more pronounced in the South, in elementary grades, and in districts where prerelease school segregation levels were low. These results suggest that court‐ordered desegregation plans are effective in reducing racial school segregation, but that their effects fade over time in the absence of continued court oversight. 相似文献
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This article on service responses to women of African, African-Caribbean, Irish, Jewish and South Asian backgrounds facing domestic violence draws on our recently completed study based in Manchester, UK () [Batsteeler, J., Burman, E., Chantler, K., McIntosh, S.H., Pantling, K., Smailes, S., Warner, S., et al. 2002. Domestic violence minoritisation: Supporting women to indepence. Women's Studies Centre: The Manchester Metropolitan University]. We frame our analysis of domestic violence and minoritisation around the question that is frequently posed in relation to women living with domestic violence: 'why doesn't she leave?' In response, we highlight the complex and intersecting connections between domestic violence, law, mental health provision, entitlement to welfare services, which function alongside constructions of 'culture' and cultural identifications, structures of racism, class and gendered oppression. All these contribute to maintain women, particularly minoritized women, in violent relationships. Further, we illustrate how leaving violent relationships does not necessarily guarantee the safety of women and children escaping domestic violence. Despite many recent legal and social policy initiatives in the UK that have usefully brought domestic violence into the public domain, there have also been counter-measures which have made leaving violent relationships correspondingly more difficult, in particular for women from minoritized communities. We offer an analysis of how state practices, particularly facets of immigration law in the UK (although , provides an equivalent U.S. analysis), interact with domestic violence. These not only equip perpetrators with a powerful tool to oppress minoritized women further, but it also indicates how state structures thereby come to impact directly on women's distress (Chantler et al, 2001). In addition, we highlight how other aspects of state policy and practice which enter into the material well-being of survivors of domestic violence, for example, housing, levels of state benefits, and child-care also pose significant obstacles to minoritized women leaving violent relationships. Whilst women from majority/dominant groups also face many of these barriers, we illustrate how the racialized dimensions of such policies heightens their exclusionary effects. It is argued that legal and psychological strategies need to address the complexity of how public, state and institutional practices intersect with racism, class and gender oppression in order to develop more sensitive and accessible ways of supporting minoritized women and children living with domestic violence. 相似文献
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