全文获取类型
收费全文 | 330篇 |
免费 | 15篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 10篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 45篇 |
法律 | 108篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 140篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 18篇 |
2013年 | 50篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 13篇 |
2010年 | 7篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 12篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 14篇 |
2003年 | 16篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 11篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 1篇 |
1961年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有345条查询结果,搜索用时 125 毫秒
341.
342.
Rich voters tend to be Republicans and poor voters tend to be Democrats. Yet, in most settings it is difficult to distinguish the effects of affluence on partisanship from those of closely related variables such as education. To address these concerns I use state lottery and administrative records to examine the effect of changing economic circumstances on the partisanship of over 1,900 registered voters. Winning larger amounts in the lottery produces a small increase in the probability an individual is later a registered Republican, an effect that is larger for those who registered to vote after winning. This suggests that wealth does affect partisanship, particularly for those without preexisting attachments to a political party. Comparing estimates from the lottery to cross-sectional data suggests the latter exaggerates the relationship between wealth and partisanship, although controlling for additional variables produces largely similar estimates. 相似文献
343.
Erik Gahner Larsen Klaus Levinsen Ulrik Kjaer 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(4):435-451
Should 16-year-olds be entitled to participate in elections? We theorize that mock elections for adolescents, who are not eligible to vote, affect the short-term support among the general public for lowering the voting age. To test our theoretical expectation, we utilize variation among municipalities in the organization of mock elections during the Danish local elections in 2009. Difference-in-difference estimates with data from the subsequent local elections in 2013 demonstrate that citizens in municipalities with mock elections for adolescents were more supportive of lowering the voting age and that their support was strongly rooted in ideological differences. 相似文献
344.
In the 1990s, strong incentives for managed care organizations to control costs, once regarded as a fortuitous confluence of interests, came to be seen as antithetical to consumers' interests in quality of care. In response to this change in political climate, many states have greatly increased their regulatory control of managed care organizations since the mid-1990s. This activity is surprising in an era when public policy on health care issues is usually described as frozen, gridlocked, and/or stalemated as a result of intense activity on the part of organized interests. We take advantage of the variation in state regulations of health maintenance organizations (HMOs) to discover why some governments are able to address policy problems that are often perceived as intractable in a political if not in a true policy sense. From the history of HMOs, the backlash against managed care, and state responses to that backlash, we first extract a number of hypotheses about state regulatory activity. We then test these hypotheses with data on regulatory adoptions by states during the late 1990s and the early 2000s. Last, we discuss the findings with special attention to the role of politics in health care. 相似文献
345.
Coordination across healthcare system levels is a global imperative to ensure efficient resource utilization and provide high-quality care. The substantial body of research on coordination in healthcare mainly concerns coordination across professional and organizational domains. Consequently, there is a dearth of empirical research aimed at delineating the determinants of coordination across healthcare system levels. This paper describes and analyses the barriers and enablers of healthcare coordination across national, regional, and local system levels in a populous Swedish region. Individual interviews and focus group discussions, encompassing a total of 63 individuals, were conducted with managers, administrators, and politicians. The findings of the paper underscore that the barriers identified were most often of a structural or institutional character, whereas the enablers of the studied cross-level coordination were mostly relational. Therefore, we propose that future research should aim to further delineate the prerequisites for personal relationships to emerge, as well as how they may act as enablers of coordination across healthcare system levels. 相似文献