Nachhaltige Bioenergie – Instrumente zur Vermeidung negativer indirekter Landnutzungseffekte

Indirekte Landnutzungs?nderungen beim Anbau von Energiepflanzen k?nnen die Treibhausgasminderungsbilanz von Energie aus Biomasse herabsetzen und Biodiversit?t sowie Boden- und Wasserressourcen beeintr?chtigen. Um derartige Effekte in rechtliche Regelungen über die Nachhaltigkeit von Bioenergie einzubeziehen, wurden verschiedene Ans?tze vorgeschlagen. Eine überzeugende Methodologie steht bis heute jedoch noch nicht zur Verfügung. Der Beitrag gibt einen überblick über die diskutierten Methoden, bietet eine vergleichende Bewertung und leitet hieraus rechtspolitische Empfehlungen ab.     

Evaluation of amylase testing as a tool for saliva screening of crime scene trace swabs

Amylase testing has been used as a presumptive test for crime scene saliva for over three decades, mainly to locate saliva stains on surfaces. We have developed a saliva screening application for crime scene trace swabs, utilising an amylase sensitive paper (Phadebas^® Forensic Press test). Positive results were obtained for all tested dried saliva stains (0.5–32 μL) with high or intermediate amylase activity (840 and 290 kU/L). Results were typically obtained within 5 min, and all samples that produced DNA profiles were positive. However, salivary amylase activities, as well as DNA concentrations, vary significantly between individuals. We show that there is no correlation between amylase activity and amount of DNA in fresh saliva. Even so, a positive amylase result indicates presence of saliva, and thereby presence of DNA. Amylase testing may be useful for screening in investigations where the number of DNA analyses is limited due to cost, e.g., in volume crime.     

Changing Balance: The Participation and Role of Voluntary Organisations in the Swedish Policy Process

This article focuses on the changing level of participation of voluntary organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role played by voluntary organisations to the state. Drawing on data from the remiss procedure – one of the most understudied parts of the Swedish policy‐making process – the results implicate a reduced role for voluntary organisations in formal arenas for policy making. While the number of participating voluntary organisations has remained stable, the relative share of participating organisations has declined and an increasing proportion of organisations have abstained from participating. In addition, the shares of conflict‐oriented and member‐benefit‐oriented organisations have decreased while consensus‐oriented and public‐benefit‐oriented organisations appear to have increased slightly. These findings are discussed in the context of changes in the coordination and implementation of public policies, implying that over time the role of voluntary organisations as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests tend to have gradually lost ground in relation to the state while the share of organisations taking direct welfare responsibility has slightly increased. Although it may be premature to speak about a shifting role of voluntary organisations from input to output in the political system, the result suggest an emerging trend in that direction. Further research is needed to clarify whether this changing pattern of participation is evident in other arenas for policy making in Sweden or is an isolated feature explained from the outset of the remiss procedure.     

Hague Case Law — Latest Developments

Netherlands International Law Review -     

Assessing the Electoral Connection: Evidence from the Early United States

Students of legislative behavior are divided over the extent to which an electoral connection existed in the early United States. In this article, we offer a test of the electoral connection in early American politics by investigating the electoral aftershocks of the disputed presidential election of 1824. Using newly available county-level presidential voting data, along with the unique circumstances associated with the presidential contest, we examine the connection between representative behavior, district public opinion, and electoral outcomes. We find that representatives who voted for John Quincy Adams in the House contest, yet were from districts supporting Andrew Jackson, were targeted for ouster and suffered a substantial vote-loss in the subsequent midterm election. We also find that the entry of a quality challenger had a sizeable impact on the fortunes of incumbent legislators. These results serve to confirm that representatives could be held accountable for their behavior in office during the antebellum era .     

Towards the Post-Corporate State?

Many studies of the relationship between the state and interest organizations conclude that the state is captured by sectoral interests. The state is not autonomous in a capitalist society. However, does the neo-corporatist practice necessarily imply a captured state? The author examines the dependencies of the state on functional groups and proposes that corporatism in fact makes it a stronger and more autonomous state. Further, different criteria of autonomy are discussed. The public interest is explored through the concept of communicative action. Finally, the author tries to delimit the concept of autonomy in analysing some recent trends of development in Norwegian public policy.     

Who governs? Parties and policies in Denmark

Abstract. The literature on party government, coalition formation, and links between party and policy tends to assume that parties in government command legislative majorities that can be used to enact desired policies. This assumption, however, does not apply in general. In Scandinavia, and especially in Denmark, the minority type of government is predominant. Minority governments cannot govern by means of their own votes. Two questions for research are therefore obvious. Why do Scandinavian countries deviate from the normal pattern of government formation? And what are the consequences of minority government for policy making? While the first question has been treated in recent research, this paper carries the analysis a step further by exploring the policy consequences of minority government in Denmark during the 1980s. It is shown that the government may in fact not always govern, that the government may actually be the opposition, and, consequently, that the party-policy link can indeed be extremely complex.