Productive forces,the passions and natural philosophy: Karl Marx, 1841–1846

ABSTRACT

This article explores the emergence of Karl Marx’s concept of history over the period 1841 to 1846. Whereas in Marx’s view the productive forces shaped human history, it is argued in this article that Marx believed the productive forces in their turn were fuelled by psychological drives; in effect, Marx made the passions the deepest motive force of history. ‘Historical materialism’ as it crystallized in those early years was a theory of materialized subjectivity. Marx’s comments on various Antique and Modern philosophies of nature evince that he discerned important parallels between the developmental processes of human history and of nature. If Marx traced the dynamism of the productive forces to the human passions, he was adhering to an essentially Romanticist ontology of self-creative, impassioned nature.     

Child Abuse Potential: A Comparison of Subtypes of Maritally Violent Men and Nonviolent Men

Researchers have demonstrated an overlap between husband-to-wife violence and child abuse, but we know little about which maritally violent men are at greatest risk for engaging in child abuse. This study examined child abuse potential across 4 subtypes of maritally violent men (i.e., family only, low level antisocial, borderline/dysphoric, and generally violent/antisocial; Holtzworth-Munroe et al., and 2 comparison groups of nonviolent men (i.e., maritally distressed or not), using the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (CAP; J. S. Milner [1986])). The results revealed that the borderline/dysphoric batterer subtype had significantly higher child abuse potential scores than all of the other violent subtypes and the nonviolent comparison groups. Theoretical and clinical implications are briefly discussed.     

Industrial and economic democracy in Sweden: from consensus to confrontation

Abstract. At the beginning of the 1970s, there was a wide-spread political consensus in Sweden that something had to be done in order to increase employee influence in companies and counteract the concentration of private capital. A series of laws on industrial democracy were passed by Parliament, virtually without opposition. The reforms were followed in 1975–1976 by a push towards economic democracy in the form of so-called wage earners' funds. The trade union movement was the leading actor behind these proposals. This broader issue was much more controversial and soon became the focus of sharp disagreement between the parties and the dominant interest organizations. The article analyses the development from consensus to confrontation in industrial and economic democracy in Sweden. Special attention is given to the Public Commission on Wage Earners' Funds, which sat between 1975–1981 without being able to produce any constructive or concrete results.     

Public management problems in the Soviet economy

Abstract. The economy of the Soviet Union has moved from that of a backward, agricultural nation to one of the world's most advanced industrial states within half a century. It has accomplished this through a system of highly centralized state planning of all aspects of the economic life of the country. Recently, however, serious problems have arisen in the system. The right goods are not being produced; consumers are dissatisfied and unhappy. To try and resolve this problem before it results in uncontrollable dissatisfaction (as had begun to appear in other East European countries such as Poland) the Soviet Union embarked on a series of economic reforms, loosely termed ‘Libermanism’ after its prime originator, which aimed at giving enterprises more autonomy and incentive in managing their businesses. Generally, this meant giving the enterprise more control over its resources and using ‘profit’ as a prime indicator of success rather than merely ‘plan fulfillment.’ The experiments have been hotly - and publicly - debated in the Soviet Union with strong opposition from the central planning advocates. There have been accusations that the reforms are anti-Marxist-Leninism. Nonetheless, the experiments have continued, though cautiously, and the recent Five Year Plan reaffirmed the commitment of the Communist Part of the Soviet Union to economic reform. The results of the reforms are still inconclusive but it appears certain that the pressures to gain efficiency in the economy and at the same time satisfy growing consumer demands are forcing change in the administration of the Soviet economy. Sommaire. En l'espace d'un demi-siècle, l'Union soviétique qui avait une économic agricole primitive est devenue l'un des états les plus industrialisés dumonde. Cette transformation a été réalisée par la planification extrêmement centralisée de tous les aspects de la vie économique du pays. Mais récemment, de sérieux problèmes se sont manifestés: non-production des merchandises voulues, mécontentement des consommateurs. Pour essayer de remédier à ces difficultés pendant que ce mécontentement était encore contrôlable (et il commençait à ne plus l'être dans d'autres pays de l'Europe de l'Est, comme la Pologne), l'Union soviétique s'est lancée dans une série de réformes économiques qualifiées de façon assez vague de ←Libermanistes→, d'après le nom de leurs principal auteur. Ces réformes visaient à donner aux entreprises plus d'autonomie et plus d'encouragement dans la gestion de leurs affaires. D'une façon générale, cela revenait à donner aux entreprises plus de contrôle sur leurs ressources et à utiliser le ←profit→ comme indicateur principal de succès au lieu d'en juger simplement d'après l'exécution du plan.     

Expanding Media Law and Policy Education: Confronting Power,Defining Freedom,Awakening Participation

The changes brought about by the Digital Age have not triggered significant increases in political participation or meaningful reductions in longstanding social power asymmetries, which are now increasingly negotiated in policy contexts that involve mass media (surveillance, big data, net neutrality). At the same time, new technology and communication patterns have opened fissures in public opinion about the limits of free expression while also creating new legal risks for citizen-communicators. This article suggests that universities need to recalibrate their curricula to meet the exigencies of this moment, which should include an increased emphasis on media law and policy courses and initiatives. The article outlines a rationale for action, and some strategies, based on the need to: (1) expand citizens’ expressive agency by equipping them with the knowledge to shield themselves from overt restraints and subtle forms of coercion; (2) deepen citizens’ civics knowledge, enhance their political efficacy and enable their political participation; (3) facilitate citizens’ engagement in reemerging debates about the meaning and scope of the First Amendment; and (4) spur citizen involvement in confronting pressing constitutional and media policy issues whose resolution will ultimately shape the broader balance of social power.     

Hague Case Law — Latest Developments

Netherlands International Law Review -     

Quantifying Hate: The Evolution of German Approaches to Measuring ‘Hate Crime’

This article examines and explains the rise of ‘hate crime’ as a category recognised by the German state. It documents the transition from a fluid and unspecific concern about violence against vulnerable groups in the immediate post-unification years to the formal adoption of ‘hate crime’ and its counterpart ‘right-wing politically motivated crime’ as official statistical categories. It uses theories of policymaking coupled with insights from scholarship on sociological uncertainty and policy transfer to explain the adoption, adaptation, and limitations of the hate crime concept in Germany.