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111.
It is widely believed that cyberspace is offense dominant because of technical characteristics that undermine deterrence and defense. This argument mistakes the ease of deception on the Internet for a categorical ease of attack. As intelligence agencies have long known, deception is a double-edged sword. Covert attackers must exercise restraint against complex targets in order to avoid compromises resulting in mission failure or retaliation. More importantly, defenders can also employ deceptive concealment and ruses to confuse or ensnare aggressors. Indeed, deception can reinvigorate traditional strategies of deterrence and defense against cyber threats, as computer security practitioners have already discovered. The strategy of deception has other important implications: as deterrence became foundational in the nuclear era, deception should rise in prominence in a world that increasingly depends on technology to mediate interaction.  相似文献   
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This article examines factors that explain cross-national variation in states’ willingness to repress racist associations. Non-democratic regime history is the primary factor that predisposes a country toward repression. Yet three situational triggers also matter when accounting for the development and application of a state’s provisions. First, the immediate aftermath of the transition to democracy can spark new laws and bans; second, ratifying UN provisions against racist organisations can prompt state action; and, third and most importantly in the contemporary era, spikes in high-profile racist events or steady increases in the influence of racist associations can generate the passage of new laws or the enforcement of existing legislation. Focusing on the combination of the one predisposing factor and the three situational triggers provides a systematic probabilistic explanation for cross-national variation in liberal democracies’ stances toward racist associations.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The news media’s ability to mobilise citizens to participate politically by emphasising elite conflict in politics is not well understood. This article argues that citizens may gain knowledge when exposed to conflict news framing. It further theorises that whether they translate their knowledge into political participation is conditioned by their orientation towards conflict. Individuals who avoid conflict participate less frequently than individuals who do not. The proposed moderated mediation process was tested using a content analysis of news media coverage and a three-wave panel survey (n?=?2,061). Results show that the effect of exposure to conflict news framing on (changes in) political participation is positively mediated by knowledge. This mediation effect is moderated by conflict avoidance, where the effect is more positive among conflict non-avoiders than conflict avoiders. This study shows that understanding the news media’s mobilising effect on political participation requires attention to both news content and individual motivational factors.  相似文献   
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A well‐functioning democracy needs the news media to provide information to its citizens. It is therefore essential to understand what kinds of news contents contribute to gains in citizens' political knowledge and for whom this takes place. Extant research is divergent on this matter, especially with respect to ‘softer’ news coverage. This cross‐national study investigates the effects of exposure to human interest and conflict frames in the news on political knowledge. Drawing on panel surveys and media content analyses in three countries, the study shows how these two frames contribute positively to political knowledge gain. This relationship is moderated by political interest so that those who are least interested learn the most from this type of easily accessible news coverage. The results are discussed in the light of research on news media and knowledge acquisition.  相似文献   
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This article focuses on the principles of parliamentary government and the implementation of these principles. Empirically, the study includes 239 cabinet formations in Europe after World War II. The results show that the party structure significantly affects the way the principles of majority, plurality and responsiveness are put into practice. In two‐party systems, institutional arrangements guarantee that the principles are implemented. In consensual multi‐party systems, the principles are largely implemented as well. However, in non‐consensual multi‐party systems, often including one dominant party, it is much more difficult to fulfil the ideals of parliamentary government. The study also shows that the majority element greatly increases government stability.  相似文献   
117.
The perhaps broadest approach to economic performance at the level of a country is the concept of national systems of innovation. Despite the emergence of a compelling literature identifying the persistence of innovative activities and country specific institutional effects, evidence on the nature of national systems of innovation is still missing and a number of crucial questions and answers remain unanswered. To shed light on these issues, as of leading scholars of entrepreneurship and innovation was assembled from around the world for a conference on “National Systems of Entrepreneurship and Innovation” at the ZEW Mannheim in November 2014. This article draws on the NSI framework, sets it in a larger context, examines the logic of the approach and introduces the special issue by summarizing the papers presented at the conference and selected for this special issue.  相似文献   
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