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301.
Photogrammetry is used in forensic science to help identify perpetrators from crime scenes by way of surveillance video, but the reproducibility of manually locating hidden body-points such as the joints remains to be established. In this study, we quantified the inter- and intra-observer variability of bodily measures of clothed individuals in two different poses and examined whether body segment lengths could be used to distinguish between people of similar stature. Stature was reproduced within +/-1.5 cm in both the intra- and inter-observer study. Segment lengths were best reproduced when flexion in the joints was present in the intra-observer study, but only the length of the trunk could be used to distinguish between people of similar height. The reproducibility between the two poses was low. Other measures than stature should be used with caution and with the perpetrator and suspect in the same pose. Consistent guidelines for locating body-points should be developed. 相似文献
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Erik Damgaard 《Scandinavian political studies》1982,5(4):337-358
The literature of the last decade indicates two important lessons for future research. The first is that political scientists and scholars in related fields have rediscovered the nature and ubiquity of politics. In particular, they have realized that neither public administration nor organization theory can solve political issues. The second lesson is that the growth of government has enlarged the list of important political actors with the addition of numerous 'public' groups, organizations, and institutions. The combined message of the two lessons is that analyses of the public sector and policy-making should be sensitive to the importance of political actors in the public sector. This paper is a preliminary attempt (based on elite questionnaire data) to map the general structure of the Danish policy-making system by focusing on the interactions among government bureaucrats, interest organizations, and MPs. These elites are further included in an analysis of public expenditure problems, with particular emphasis on the (often neglected) role of political parties and their relationships to various groups and segments of society. The emergent overall picture of the policy-making system indicates problems that presumably cannot be 'solved' within the framework of a democratic polity. 相似文献
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Studies of signaling in international relations reveal how punishing bluffing ex post through domestic audience costs or opposition groups facilitates credible ex ante communication among states and reduces the impetus toward war. Global integration of economic markets may also reduce uncertainty by making talk costly ex ante. Autonomous global capital can respond dramatically to political crises. To the degree that globalization forces leaders to choose between pursuing competitive political goals and maintaining economic stability, it reveals the intensity of leaders' preferences, reducing the need for military contests as a method of identifying mutually acceptable bargains. Asymmetric integration can dampen the pacific effects of globalization, but asymmetry does not in itself exacerbate dispute behavior. We present the theory and offer preliminary corroborative tests of implications of the argument on postwar militarized disputes. 相似文献
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Erik Allardt 《Scandinavian political studies》1980,3(1):1-20
There are abundant observations of a revival of ethnic feelings among linguistic, territorial minorities in advanced, industrialized societies. Less is known about the nature and intrinsic qualities of this revival. An assessment of the implications of the renaissance of ethnicity requires an analysis both of changes in the nature of ethnicity and of basic organisatory principles in the modem society. The increasing importance of categorizations and labeling performed by the minorities themselves has important implications for policies concerning ethnic and linguistic minorities. 相似文献
309.
Following the "behavioral revolution" in the social sciences, analyzing political behavior as strategic action has become a dominant paradigm in political science. However, many political processes become incomprehensible from a purely strategic angle. Only a concept of politics as communicative action can explain how people reach mutual agreements on factual and normative matters. Some analysts seem to assume that whenever actors take a position in a debate that coincides with their own interest, the employed arguments must be understood as a strategic device to promote this self-interest But this explanation in most cases seems too simplistic and, from a communicative perspective, beside the point. In an open debate it will still be the rational weight of the arguments that matters, not the eventual strategic interests of the participants. Rational communication is a precondition for civilized conflict resolution as well as for the stability and durability of the political order.
Max Weber provided us with a typology of goal-oriented behavior which included, along with the rational self-interest variety, which he called Zweckrationalität , or instrumental behavior, Wertrationalität , or absolute value-oriented behavior, traditional or habitual behavior, and impulsive behavior. From this perspective we can see what a small part of the reality we, as social scientists, want to explain is captured by the rational choice model (Almond 1991, 49). 相似文献
Max Weber provided us with a typology of goal-oriented behavior which included, along with the rational self-interest variety, which he called Zweckrationalität , or instrumental behavior, Wertrationalität , or absolute value-oriented behavior, traditional or habitual behavior, and impulsive behavior. From this perspective we can see what a small part of the reality we, as social scientists, want to explain is captured by the rational choice model (Almond 1991, 49). 相似文献
310.