首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   6639篇
  免费   288篇
各国政治   358篇
工人农民   265篇
世界政治   498篇
外交国际关系   259篇
法律   3829篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   38篇
政治理论   1623篇
综合类   56篇
  2020年   126篇
  2019年   137篇
  2018年   160篇
  2017年   216篇
  2016年   198篇
  2015年   161篇
  2014年   155篇
  2013年   731篇
  2012年   214篇
  2011年   194篇
  2010年   179篇
  2009年   173篇
  2008年   214篇
  2007年   200篇
  2006年   193篇
  2005年   179篇
  2004年   185篇
  2003年   165篇
  2002年   163篇
  2001年   217篇
  2000年   198篇
  1999年   157篇
  1998年   95篇
  1997年   68篇
  1996年   64篇
  1995年   82篇
  1994年   68篇
  1993年   61篇
  1992年   104篇
  1991年   110篇
  1990年   122篇
  1989年   101篇
  1988年   95篇
  1987年   95篇
  1986年   120篇
  1985年   126篇
  1984年   87篇
  1983年   83篇
  1982年   64篇
  1981年   53篇
  1980年   58篇
  1979年   56篇
  1978年   59篇
  1977年   38篇
  1976年   37篇
  1975年   48篇
  1974年   63篇
  1973年   57篇
  1972年   46篇
  1969年   42篇
排序方式: 共有6927条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
112.
113.
The role of the forensic toxicologist in helping to determine causes of death or in aiding in the resolution of "driving under the influence" or similar cases is well known and clearly understood. Less clearly defined is the position of the forensic toxicologist vis-à-vis other socially significant problems. However, as the 21st century approaches, it is worth considering how forensic toxicology can help in unraveling some of these problems. The problem of violence between intimates--that is, domestic violence--is a social problem in which it has been long felt that alcohol has played a part. Until now, though, no carefully controlled toxicological studies have been conducted to substantiate this or to determine whether other drug use is associated with domestic violence. At the San Francisco Medical Examiner's Office, toxicological data from both the victim and the suspect in 20 cases of domestic violence that ended in homicide have been gathered. It was found that alcohol or other drugs or a combination of these factors was invariably present in the suspect, the victim, or both. The implications of these results and how they can be used to develop a toxicological strategy to help reduce the most serious consequences of domestic violence are presented.  相似文献   
114.
This document contains a summary of the Housing Reform Program created in Shanghai, China, in 1991, which requires monthly contributions of all employers and employees in Shanghai to a "Collective Reserve Fund." The program also applies to foreign investment enterprises and must be followed by all enterprises, regardless of any previous housing benefits that an enterprise may be providing its employees. Employers must deduct 5% from each employee's salary (with a minimum) monthly and must match that amount. The total is paid into an account in the employer's name with the People's Construction Bank of China. The total amount collected and matched for an employee is considered the property of the employee, but the account is administered by the employer as a collective trust account. Each employee's balance may be withdrawn upon retirement, leaving the area, or purchasing a home and leaving state-owned housing. Foreign investment enterprises contribute a reduced amount in recognition of the fact that they pay salaries that are higher than those of state enterprises. The Housing Reform Program also requires employers to contribute to doubled rent subsidies for public housing, requires workers to purchase housing construction bonds in order to be eligible for newly allocated public housing, calles for housing to be sold at favorable prices, and creates a system whereby mortgages can be obtained from the Collective Reserve Fund.  相似文献   
115.
A number of social and psychological factors present in most adolescent parents place them at high risk for abusive behavior toward their children. However, current child abuse potential measures do not include adolescent samples as part of the psychometric data base. Consequently, the purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to investigate whether a Black adolescent sample would perform differently than an adult nonabusing sample on the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (CAP), and (2) to examine the relationship between history of abuse or witnessing violence to scores on the CAP. Results revealed that Black adolescents scored significantly higher than the adult normative sample on the CAP; consequently, cutoff scores need to be empirically established for adolescents. Additional analyses indicated that a history of abuse, as well as a history of witnessing violence, are associated with a high potential for abuse.  相似文献   
116.
Although the formal institutional structure that defines the temporal order of play in a policy game between the Congress and President ought to provide Congress with agenda power, the President is traditionally treated as the dominant player in this relationship. We show that if the President can make clear-cut commitments, presidential commitment can counter the dominance hierarchy and the complexion of equilibrium outcomes. Thus, the details of political interactions (in particular, the possibilities for commitment) may be as important as the formal specification of institutional structure.We thank Peter Aranson, David Austen-Smith, Ed Campos, Gerry Faulhaber, Art Frank, Ken Koford, William Riker, Janet Pack, the anonymous referees, and seminar participants at the University of Delaware, the University of Pennsylvania, and the University of Rochester for helpful comments, subject to the usual caveat. We also thank Joel Friedlander and Harold Dichter for research assistance.  相似文献   
117.
Set against a backdrop of current public policy and case law, this study investigates Canadian attitudes toward affirmative action among both citizens and decision makers. We find low levels of support for such programs across a variety of contexts and intended beneficiaries, but we also discover that opinion on both sides of the issue is rather soft, for large portions of those taking positions on the matter are willing to reconsider their views when prompted. We interpret this finding as an indication of what Philip Converse has called nonattitudes. Thus, a substantial portion of Canadians appear to hold no genuine attitudes on the question of affirmative action and are relatively open to persuasion. In contrast, the preferences of those with stable attitudes are rooted in the tradeoff between values of equality and merit. Implications for policy activists in this issue area are discussed.The research reported here is part of a large project supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (Grant No. 411-85-001). The Centre of Criminology at the University of Toronto has provided a home, and indispensable support, for the Charter Project. This research was also facilitated by a contribution from the Solicitor General of Canada to the Centre of Criminology, University of Toronto. Our thanks also go to Robert Vipond for his help in clarifying our concepts.  相似文献   
118.
119.
120.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号