American Think Tanks: Policy Elites and the Politicization of Expertise

This article examines policy expertise and the role of think tanks in the context of shifting political alignments in American government. The article first considers the radical and neoconservative critiques of the liberal use of an elite group — or "new class"— of policy experts to formulate and legitimate political reform agendas, a strategy said to represent a technocratic threat to the future of representative government. The discussion then focuses in particular on the neoconservative critique and its promotion of a counter strategy designed to politicize policy expertise through the development of a conservative "counterintelligensia" and the funding of partisan think tanks. The political outcome is seen to be a significant variation in the relationships linking expertise, think tanks, and the setting of national policy agendas. Elite think tanks, conceptualized as policy "discourse coalitions," are analyzed as institutional mechanisms for coordinating the advice of leading policy experts with the interests of economic and political elites. Although the experts' role in these policy-planning organizations falls short of the threat envisioned by the technocratic critique, the political implications of the emergent elite relationship between expertise and policy formation is nonetheless seen to pose troubling questions for both the theory and parctice of representative governance.     

GENDER,FEAR, AND PROTECTIVE HANDGUN OWNERSHIP*

Nonrecursive models which have been used to assess the potentially reciprocal relationship between fear of crime and handgun ownership may suffer on two accounts: (a) the use of “weak” instrumental variables: and (b) the measurement of household (versus personal) handgun ownership. Data from the 1980 NORC General Social Survey are used in this study to minimize these problems in examining the relationships among fear of crime, victimization, and protective handgun ownership among males and females. Significant effects of fear and victimization on personal gun ownership are found among men but not among women. These results are discussed in light of two concerns. First, earlier research is confirmed that finds gender differences in the factors influencing gun ownership. Second, a clear need is emphasized for further research addressing questions of both conceptualization and measurement in the study of fear of crime and its effects on protective handgun ownership.     

The Impact of Trauma on Child Development

A growing body of research links childhood experiences of abuse and neglect with serious life‐long problems including depression, suicide, alcoholism and drug abuse, and major medical problems such as heart disease, cancer, and diabetes. Two basic processes, neurodevelopment and psychosocial development, are affected by early abuse and neglect. Scientists have begun to understand the mechanisms through which these adverse experiences alter child development and produce pernicious mental, medical, and social outcomes. These insights have opened opportunities to intervene to prevent maltreatment and to mitigate its effects. Future success depends on the greater dissemination and refinement of these interventions.     

The political economy of childcare in OECD countries: Explaining cross-national variation in spending and coverage rates

If childcare policy has become topical in most OECD countries over the last ten years or so, actual developments display huge cross-national variations. Countries like Sweden and Denmark spend around 2 per cent of GDP on this service, and provide affordable childcare places to most children below school age. At the other extreme, in Southern Europe, only around 10 per cent of this age group has access to formal daycare. Against this background, this article aims to account for cross-national variations in childcare services. It distinguishes two dependent variables: the coverage rate and the proportion of GDP spent subsidising childcare services. Using a mix of cross-sectional and pooled times-series methods, it tests a series of hypotheses concerning the determinants of the development of this policy. Its main conclusion for the coverage rate is that key factors are public spending and wage dispersion (both positive). For spending, key factors are the proportion of women in parliaments (positive) and spending on age-related policies (negative).     

The Legal Culture and Legal System in Post-Franco Spain

In analyzing the process of creating criminal law, Howard Becker pointed out elements such as moral entrepreneurs, availability to the mass media, and political maneuvering. In this article the author analyses how these elements are seen in the emergence of Anti-Prostitution Law in Japan. According to historical documents Christian groups worked as moral crusaders in the purification movement before World War II. But after the war secular groups, especially female groups, became the main entrepreneurs for the enactment of Anti-Prostitution Law.

In those countries where believers in a monotheistic religion like Christianity are the majority of the population, moral entrepreneurs may play an important role in creating criminal law. On the other hand, Japan does not have many such believers. Most Japanese, influenced by Shinto, are tolerant of different religions. Therefore, in the emergence of criminal law, moral crusaders who are interested in forcing their own morals on others are rarely seen. The author cannot emphasize the role of moral entrepreneurs as Howard Becker did. In Japan most drafts of law are made by bureaucrats in the national government in accord with opinions of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. Then laws are submitted to the Diet by the Cabinet. As a result, research on the roles of bureaucrats, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, and the Cabinet is important in the sociology of criminal law in Japan.     

Treatment Decisions for Critically Ill Infants: The Abrogation of the Best Interests Standard

The issue of withholding or withdrawing medical treatment from seriously ill newborns first gained the attention of the American public in 1982 when Baby Doe was allowed to die without surgery. Since that time, the predominant ethical, medical, and legal approach has been one that allows informed parents to make a reasonable medical treatment decision in the best interests of their infant with the concurrence of the health care providers. There has always been a minority that believes every infant should receive full medical treatment without regard to pain and suffering, until that infant dies a natural death. This viewpoint is reflected in recent judicial and legislative proceedings that have either already drastically changed the prevailing standard of care or threaten do so. This article reviews the significance of these changes.     

MANAGING CITIZEN CALLS TO THE POLICE: THE IMPACT OF BALTIMORE'S 3‐1‐1 CALL SYSTEM*

Research Summary: Our paper explores the impact of implementing a nonemergency 3‐1‐1 call system in Baltimore, Maryland. We found a large (34.2%) reduction in 9‐1‐1 calls following the introduction of the 3‐1‐1 nonemergency call system. Many, but not all, of these calls simply migrated over to the 3‐1‐1 call system. Overall, we identified a 7.7% reduction in recorded citizen calls to the police post 3‐1‐1 intervention. This recorded reduction in citizen calls was confounded by an increase in high priority calls to the 9‐1‐1 system (27.5%), a large overall reduction in low priority calls (54.3%), and an estimated increase (perhaps 8%) in unrecorded calls to the police. We also note a small increase in response times to high priority 9‐1‐1 calls following the implementation of the 3‐1‐1 call system and virtually no change in the amount of officer time available for community policing or problem‐oriented policing activities. Policy Implications: Our findings suggest that nonemergency call systems, such as 3‐1‐1, can greatly facilitate police efforts to better handle citizen calls for police service. However, the intrinsic value of nonemergency call systems is tightly woven with a police department's willingness to change dispatch policies (especially for those calls received via the 3‐1‐1 system), reallocate patrol resources, and adopt organizational reforms to support alternative methods (apart from dispatch) for handling nonemergency calls for service.     

DOES PRESCHOOL HELP PREVENT DELINQUENCY IN BOYS WITH A HISTORY OF PERINATAL COMPLICATIONS?*

We examined whether a preschool intervention program moderates the effects of perinatal complications with a sample of boys from the most disadvantaged areas of Montreal (Canada). Some boys experienced the preschool program and some did not, which allowed us to test whether the program had any effects on the boys' risk for early adolescent delinquency given their perinatal histories. We hypothesized that perinatal complications would place boys at significantly greater risk for antisocial behavior during early adolescence and that participation in a preventive preschool program might circumvent this risk. Independent of maternal sociodemographic characteristics, boys with a history of perinatal complications showed no greater risk of reporting delinquency during early adolescence than their same-sex peers without a history of perinatal complications. Surprisingly, the program showed a beneficial effect on boys with no history of serious perinatal complications. Such boys were less at risk for delinquency. In the presence of a serious medical condition after birth, the benefits of the program decreased significantly to the point that it placed the boys at risk.