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181.
Leslie W. Kennedy David R. Forde Michael D. Smith Donald G. Dutton 《Journal of family violence》1991,6(3):303-317
Of concern to many who study criminality of all kinds is the high level of known abuse in a climate of noninvolvement by others. The research reported in this paper clearly indicates that noninvolvement in spousal assault cases is not dependent on low levels of knowledge of the problem, as many people admit to being aware of its occurrence among relatives, friends, and neighbors. This knowledge does vary, however, by location of the respondents with strong effects of nonmetropolitan residents expressing greater knowledge of the occurrence of this violence than people living in urban areas. We find this in the context of lower levels of self-reported victimization. It could be that these lower levels reflect a reluctance on the part of nonmetropolitan women to admit to researchers that they are victims of this problem. Or, it could suggest that these women have access to a more intricate network of support from friends and family who become involved in discussing this problem with the victims and helping them to reduce its incidence. 相似文献
182.
Eric L. Piza Andrew M. Gilchrist Joel M. Caplan Leslie W. Kennedy Brian A. O’Hara 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2016,12(3):403-429
Objectives
This study presents a cost–benefit analysis of an intervention pairing proactive CCTV monitoring with directed police patrol in Newark, NJ. A recent randomized control trial found that the strategy generated significant crime reductions in treatment areas relative to control areas. The current study focuses on the financial implications of the experimental strategy through a cost–benefit analysis.Methods
The study begins by measuring the costs and benefits associated with the experimental strategy, the findings of which can inform agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. Follow-up analyses measure the costs and benefits of the intervention for agencies absent existing CCTV infrastructure, meaning a CCTV system would have to be funded in addition to the intervention outputs. Alongside overall benefits, this study presents the tangible cost savings afforded to the Criminal Justice system as well as to each of the separate criminal justice (CJ) system components: Policing, Courts, and Corrections.Results
We found the experimental strategy to be highly cost effective for agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. However, when the cost of the CCTV system is considered, the strategy is largely cost prohibitive. While the cumulative societal and criminal justice findings suggest some evidence of a modest cost savings, the strategy is highly cost prohibitive for each of the individual CJ system components when CCTV system costs are included.Conclusions
Results suggest that the experimental strategy is a worthwhile investment for agencies with existing CCTV infrastructure. Agencies absent CCTV may want to consider whether funds would be better allocated towards alternate strategies.183.
Dana D. Dehart Robert J. Kennedy Leslie K. Burke Diane R. Follingstad 《Journal of family violence》1999,14(1):19-34
This study examines factors associated with the high attrition rate in treatment programs for men who batter. In accord with past research, we expected demographic variables of age, race, employment status, relationship status, and socioeconomic status to predict attrition. We also hypothesized that attitudinal and personality variables, as well as contextual/program variables, might account for attrition more parsimoniously. Specifically, we hypothesized that attrition would be predicted by frequency and severity of violence, denial of a problem with violence, rigidity of thinking, low levels of self-disclosure, and higher anxiety and constriction in social situations. In addition, we predicted attrition would relate to dependency, maladaptive personality styles, and expectations regarding group counseling (e.g., whether treatment is perceived as aversive). Finally, we proposed that attrition would relate to whether batterer participation in treatment was self-motivated or the result of external pressures. Participants were 61 men enrolled in a batterer treatment program in a mid-sized city. Analyses of variance and discriminant analyses indicated that program attrition was unrelated to demographic, attitudinal, or personality variables. Only the contextual/program variables of mileage traveled to attend and external monitoring of attendance significantly differentiated treatment rejecters, drop-outs, and treatment continuers. Findings are discussed with regard to intrinsic and extrinsic motivational factors. Future directions for exploration are discussed. 相似文献
184.
185.
L D Kennedy 《Social security bulletin》1978,41(8):18-25
A study based on program records showd that about 200,000 persons receiving supplemental security income (SSI) payments in December 1976 were living with a spouse who was not eligible for payments. In most cases, the beneficiaries were disabled and the spouses were too young to be eligible. Some spouses were receiving help indirectly from the program through the essential-person increment, State supplementary payments, or the deeming-of-income provision. Fewer than half the spouses had income of their own, however, and even when the income of both partners was combined, 55,000 households had no income other than the SSI payment. A sizable number of families included dependent children and thus may have been eligible for aid to families with dependent children. 相似文献
186.
187.
Joanes Odiwuor Atela Claire Hellen Quinn Albert A. Arhin Lalisa Duguma Kennedy Liti Mbeva 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2017,17(4):463-482
Emerging climate change regimes, such as the mechanism for reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+), are increasingly aiming to engage developing countries such as those in Africa, in sustainable development through carbon markets. The contribution of African countries to global climate negotiations determines how compatible the negotiated rules could be with the existing socioeconomic and policy circumstances of African countries. The aim of this paper is to explore the agency of Africa (African States) in the global climate change negotiations and discuss possible implications for implementing these rules using REDD+ as a case study. Drawing on document analysis and semi-structured expert interviews, our findings suggest that although African countries are extensively involved in the implementation of REDD+ interventions, the continent has a weak agency on the design of the global REDD+ architecture. This weak agency results from a number of factors including the inability of African countries to send large and diverse delegations to the negotiations as well lack of capacity to generate and transmit research evidence to the global platform. African countries also perceive themselves as victims of climate change who should be eligible for support rather than sources of technological solutions. Again, Africa’s position is fragmented across negotiation coalitions which weakens the continent's collective influence on the REDD+ agenda. This paper discusses a number of implementation deficits which could result from this weak agency. These include concerns about implementation capacity and a potential lack of coherence between REDD+ rules and existing policies in African countries. These findings call for a rethink of pathways to enhancing Africa’s strategies in engaging in multilateral climate change negotiations, especially if climate change regimes specifically targeted at developing countries are to be effective. 相似文献
188.
189.
The development of sex offender residence restriction legislation was predicated on the assumption that sex offenders pose an increased risk to the public. The goal of such legislation was to create “sex-offender-free” zones in an effort to decrease sex offenders’ access to potential victims. Such legislation prohibits registered sex offenders from residing near landmarks where children are known to congregate. Empirical evidence thus far has failed to demonstrate that residing near these landmarks contributes to sex offenders’ ability to access victims, and may actually be doing more harm than good. The current study questions the rationale behind the implementation of residence restrictions and if this rationale is consistent with the realities of victim selection and sexual offending among incarcerated sex offenders. The sample consisted of 270 males incarcerated in a New Jersey correctional facility. The results demonstrate that most sex offenders resided within a 2,500-foot restricted landmark zone. However, after examining the methods sex offenders used and examining how far they traveled to meet or establish contact with their victims, residing near restricted landmarks did not contribute to victim selection. Of the 270 sex offenders, the offense patterns consistent with many residence restrictions were applicable to less than 1%. 相似文献
190.
Kendall J. Kennedy 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(1):191-217
Since 1988, 27 states have introduced No Pass, No Drive laws, which tie a teenager's ability to receive and maintain a driver's license to various school-related outcomes—most commonly, enrollment and attendance. Enrollment-Based No Pass, No Drive policies, in 21 states, target both enrollment and attendance, and have negligible effects on dropout rates. However, these policies decrease the Averaged Freshman Graduation Rate (AFGR) by between 1 and 1.7 percentage points. This lower graduation rate stems from students delaying their dropout decision by up to two years. As a result, these students are retained in the ninth and tenth grades, increasing 9th-grade enrollment by 3.6 percent relative to 8th-grade enrollment the year prior; this causes an artificial reduction in the graduation rate, rather than a reduction in the true likelihood that a student will graduate. Truancy-Based No Pass, No Drive policies, in five states, target only attendance—teens that fail to meet a minimum attendance requirement lose their driver's license. However, these policies allow students to drop out of school without facing this penalty. These policies increase the annual dropout rate by between 23 and 34 percent (1 to 1.6 percentage points). 相似文献