Fighting for the ‘Privileges of Citizenship’: the Young Women's Christian Association (YWCA), feminism and the women's movement, 1928–1945

In 1928 the YWCA welcomed the introduction of the universal suffrage by declaring that women in Britain were now entitled to the full political privileges of citizenship. This article will explore the way in which the YWCA, previously omitted from histories of the British women's movement, sought to educate and inform its members about the rights and duties of democratic citizenship. The involvement of the YWCA in citizenship education and its role in campaigning for the citizenship rights of women will be assessed, with a particular focus on workers’ rights and the appointment of women police. Despite its reluctance to be identified as overtly feminist, the YWCA was determined to ensure that women had access to social and economic rights within a democratic society. The article therefore argues that a new definition of the women's movement is required in order to uncover the full extent of female engagement in politics and public debate in the aftermath of the suffrage.     

La Vía Campesina: the birth and evolution of a transnational social movement

The origin and evolution of the transnational peasant movement La Vía Campesina is analysed through five evolutionary stages. In the 1980s the withdrawal of the state from rural areas simultaneously weakened corporativist and clientelist control over rural organisations, even as conditions worsened in the countryside. This gave rise to a new generation of more autonomous peasant organisations, who saw the origins of their similar problems as largely coming from beyond the national borders of weakened nation-states. A transnational social movement defending peasant life, La Vía Campesina emerged out of these autonomous organisations, first in Latin America, and then at a global scale, during the 1980s and early 1990s (phase 1). Subsequent stages saw leaders of peasant organisations take their place at the table in international debates (1992–1999, phase 2), muscling aside other actors who sought to speak on their behalf; take on a leadership role in global struggles (2000–2003, phase 3); and engage in internal strengthening (2004–2008, phase 4). More recently (late 2008–present, phase 5) the movement has taken on gender issues more squarely and defined itself more clearly in opposition to transnational corporations. Particular emphasis is given to La Vía Campesina's fight to gain legitimacy for the food sovereignty paradigm, to its internal structure, and to the ways in which the (re)construction of a shared peasant identity is a key glue that holds the struggle together despite widely different internal cultures, creating a true peasant internationalism.     

Journeys of Candombe Federal by Martín Boneo. Their contribution to the social imaginary on Afro-Argentines

Among Martín Boneo's works, Candombe Federal is one of the most disseminated if we concentrate on its journeys through the visual imaginary; it depicts history books, memoirs, and academic research. This image combines aspects closely associated with negritude in our imaginary: the permanent link to Rosas (politician and army officer who ruled the Argentine Confederation almost uninterruptedly from 1829 to 1852), their immediate association with popular manifestations, specifically the candombe, and the relationship established by liberal writers at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century between this specific image and historical writings or memoirs. We believe that this conception about Afro-Argentinians becomes a stereotype and an invisibilization strategy whereby Afro-Argentinians are confined to the past, an abominable past which must not be repeated. Our purpose is to give an account on the use which was and is made of this image, because it fuels the social imaginary about Afro-Argentines.     

Book reviews

Love, power and political interests

Anna G. Jónasdóttir, Love Power and Political Interests. Towards a Theory of Patriarchy in Contemporary Western Societies. 255 pp. Örebro Studies 7, 1991.

The power of the Will. Natalie Zahle. A biography

Birgitte Possing, Viljens Styrke. Natalie Zahle. En biografi (The Power of the Will. Natalie Zahle. A biography.) 2 vols. 622 pp. Summary in English. Copenhagen: Gyldendal 1992.

Image of god and gender models in Judaeo‐Christian tradition

Kari Elisabeth Börresen, ed, Image of God and Gender Models in Judaeo‐Christian Tradition. Oslo: Solum forlag, 1992.

Rethinking change

Rethinking Change ‐ Current Swedish Feminist Research. Uppsala: Swedish Science Press, 1992.

On the politics of theorizing strangers

Julia Kristeva, Strangers to Ourselves. Transl. Leon S. Roudiez. Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991.

Julia Kristeva, Muukalaisia itsellemme. Transl. Paivi Malinen. Gaudeamus, 1992.

Julia Kristeva, Främlingar för oss själva. Transl. Ann Runnqvist‐Vinde. Natur och kultur, 1991.

The state, mothers and day care for children

Arnlaug Leira, Welfare States and Working Mothers. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.     

Gender construction at work in Icelandic fish plants

In this article we present the results of our studies of gender construction at work in Icelandic fish plants. Our aim is to contribute to the understanding of the processes involved in the gendering of jobs, labour and the organization of work and their interrelations. We argue that an examination of these factors can shed light on larger questions of gender segregation, women's lower position in the labour force and how gender categories and identities are constructed and reconstructed in the workplace.     

Mr. Smith and the economy: the influence of economic conditions on individual legislator voting

This paper estimates the influence of macroeconomic conditions on individual legislator voting over time. Previous work shows legislator voting to be stable over careers. In this paper, voting on an ideological issue space (ADA scores) and a fiscal issue space (NTU scores), from 1976 to 2002, exhibits significant short-term cyclicality with economic conditions. Individual legislators polarize by party in response to rising unemployment, and converge in response to rising inflation. As legislators accumulate tenure, they become more ideologically conservative but more fiscally liberal. Results are also reported on presidential party, divided government, and region. All results are weaker in the Senate than in the House.     

From Middle Powers to Entrepreneurial Powers in World Politics: Brazil's Successes and Failures in International Crises

This article uses the concept of entrepreneurial powers to discuss how and under what circumstances Brazil successfully accomplishes its goals in international crises. The concept of entrepreneurial power focuses on systematic evidence of middle‐power behavior and its relation to foreign policy tools. Brazil resorts to three agency‐based foreign policy tools that are the substance of its entrepreneurial power. These instruments are always mediated by a structural condition, the dominant power pivotal position in the crisis. This study applies qualitative comparative analysis methodology to 32 international crises since the early 1990s in which Brazil played a role. It finds that for regional crises, the use of only one agency‐based tool is sufficient for success, regardless of the dominant power position; and for global crises, the use of only one agency‐based tool is a necessary and sufficient condition for Brazil to accomplish its goals, despite the dominant power position on the issue.     

Mental disorder is a cause of crime: The cornerstone of forensic psychiatry

The assumption that mental disorder is a cause of crime is the foundation of forensic psychiatry, but conceptual, epistemological, and empirical analyses show that neither mental nor crime, or the causation implied, are clear-cut concepts. “Mental” denotes heterogeneous aspects of a person such as inner experiences, cognitive abilities, and behaviour patterns described in a non-physical vocabulary. In psychology and psychiatry, mental describes law-bound, caused aspects of human functioning that are predictable and generalizable. Problems defined as mental disorders are end-points of dimensional inter-individual differences rather than natural categories. Deficits in cognitive faculties, such as attention, verbal understanding, impulse control, and reality assessment, may be susceptibility factors that relate to behaviours (such as crimes) by increasing the probability (risk) for a negative behaviour or constitute causes in the sense of INUS conditions (Insufficient but Non-redundant parts of Unnecessary but Sufficient conditions). Attributing causes to complex behaviours such as crimes is not an unbiased process, and mental disorders will attract disproportionate attention when it comes to explanations of behaviours that we wish to distance ourselves from. Only by rigorous interpretation of what psychiatry actually can inform us about, using empirical analyses of quantified aggressive antisocial behaviours and their possible explanatory factors, can we gain a clearer notion of the relationship between mental disorder and crime.     

Concurrent and Across-Time Relations between Mother/Father Hostility and Children’s Aggression: A Longitudinal Study

This study examined the concurrent and across-time relations between father/mother hostility and child aggression in a sample of 523 (58.7% girls) primary and secondary school children. Data were collected over a period of 3 years, in which the children’s mean age was 11.1, 12.17, and 13.19 years old, respectively. Correlational analyses and cross-sectional and longitudinal structural equation models showed significant relations between parental hostility (both father and mother) and child aggression. These relations, which mainly concerned mothers, predicted future child aggression 1 and 2 years later. Child aggression and parental hostility also elicited each other, thus providing evidence for family socialization as an interactive process. This study have been supported by the Vicerrectorado de Investigación UNED as part of the Research Promotion Plan.     

Part-time employment: a comparative analysis of Spain and the Netherlands

Most industrialized countries have seen part-time employment as a percentage of total employment increasing in the last decade. This paper presents the results of a comparative study of part-time employment in Spain and the Netherlands. The project comprises a legal comparative study of the effectiveness of the normative solutions provided by the Dutch and Spanish legal orders regarding the protection of part-time workers and the promotion of part-time employment, with special attention paid to the gender dimension of part-time work in both countries; and an analysis, based on data extracted from the European Community Household Panel (1995–2001), of the determinants of part-time employment in both countries and an examination of the extent to which part-time jobs are used as stepping-stones to full-time positions. We have found significant country differences regarding females’ decisions to take part-time jobs. We also have found that, in general, Dutch females are not less likely than their male counterparts to increase the number of hours they work. However, this applies only to those females who are part of a couple or have children younger than 12 years. In Spain, females are 2.6 times less likely than their male counterparts to switch from a part-time to a full-time job.