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91.
The Intermodal Surf ace Transportation Efficiency Act gave stategovernments increased flexibility in spending federal transportationgrant funds. However, most of the flexibility was not used;there are many other potential sources of inflexibility in transportationpolicymaking. States were more likely to use flexibility ifthey were politically liberal, had larger populations and, otherthings being equal, had less metropolitan populations. Statesthat were previously more involved in nontraditional transportationprograms were also somewhat more likely to use flexibility. 相似文献
92.
93.
This article analyses party employees, one of the most under-researched subjects in the study of British political parties. We draw on a blend of quantitative and qualitative data in order to shed light on the social and political profiles of Labour Party staff, and on the question of their professionalisation. The latter theme is developed through a model derived from the sociology of professions. While a relatively limited proportion of party employees conform to the pure ideal-type of professionalism, a considerably greater number manifest enough of the core characteristics of specialisation, commitment, mobility, autonomy and self-regulation to be reasonably described as 'professionals in pursuit of political outcomes'. 相似文献
94.
Aleksandr Fisher 《后苏联事务》2020,36(4):281-296
ABSTRACT There is growing anxiety about the influence of international propaganda on public opinion. Under what conditions can countries shift foreign public opinion against an adversary? Does making people aware that news is coming from a foreign source mitigate its influence? I examine these questions in the context of Russian propaganda in the United States. I subject subgroups of Americans to an article from Russia Today (RT), a Russian international television network, criticizing the Ukrainian government. I vary whether audiences are aware of the message source, and/or the intentions, of the Russian-funded network. I show that exposure to information about Ukrainian human rights violations lowers Americans’ evaluations of Ukraine irrespective of source awareness – indicating that making people more aware of foreign propaganda does not attenuate its influence. The findings have important implications for understanding the micro-level effects of international propaganda and the effectiveness of counter-propaganda strategies. 相似文献
95.
The recent Court of Appeal decision in the ‘Heathrow’ case, Plan B Earth v Secretary of State for Transport is an illustration of the challenges of reviewing polycentric and expert decision-making. The issues raised in the case concerning the Planning Act 2008 are an illustration of a court's expository role in such contexts. The Court tackled directly a series of interpretive questions concerning the Planning Act 2008's obligations regarding the consideration of climate change. The Habitats and Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) Directive issues raised in the appeal, in contrast, were presented with the question of the intensity of review foregrounded in legal argument. The Court therefore sought to articulate the ‘standard of review’ and to apply it to the government's decisions. This way of framing the issue unfortunately sidelined the courts’ expository role in relation to intepreting the Habitats and SEA Directives, leaving key provisions under-analysed. 相似文献
96.
Tanksley Peter T. Barnes J.C. Boutwell Brian B. Arseneault Louise Caspi Avshalom Danese Andrea Fisher Helen L. Moffitt Terrie E. 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2020,16(3):431-461
Journal of Experimental Criminology - Examine the extent to which cognitive/psychological characteristics predict later polyvictimization. We employ a twin-based design that allows us to test the... 相似文献
97.
Although political violence has proven to be difficult for governments to manage, predict or control, previous research on the impact of relevant federal government actions and US presidential rhetoric on terrorist attacks and hate crimes demonstrates that what the US government does matters in ways that are both expected and unexpected. In the US, government counterterrorism strategies changed rapidly in response to the September 11th, 2001 attacks on the US. The Bush administration formed a new executive department, centralised intelligence agencies, invested in tangible counterterrorism measures, implemented two invasions and occupations, and spoke publicly about terrorism on a near-daily basis. Yet much has changed since that research, as the US has since elected a president whose presidential campaign relied upon espousing antagonism towards Muslims, immigrants and other minority groups. Further, President Trump’s administration has repeatedly demonstrated its commitment to isolate and suppress Muslims as a strategy to combat Islamist extremism in contrast to previous administrations’ more cooperative approaches. This article considers what existing research tells us about whether and how the different actions of the Trump administration may fuel both Jihadi and far-right extremism. 相似文献
98.
Molly Copeland Jacob C. Fisher James Moody Mark E. Feinberg 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(8):1755-1770
Social isolation is broadly associated with poor mental health and risky behaviors in adolescence, a time when peers are critical for healthy development. However, expectations for isolates’ substance use remain unclear. Isolation in adolescence may signal deviant attitudes or spur self-medication, resulting in higher substance use. Conversely, isolates may lack access to substances, leading to lower use. Although treated as a homogeneous social condition for teens in much research, isolation represents a multifaceted experience with structurally distinct network components that present different risks for substance use. This study decomposes isolation into conceptually distinct dimensions that are then interacted to create a systematic typology of isolation subtypes representing different positions in the social space of the school. Each isolated position’s association with cigarette, alcohol, and marijuana use is tested among 9th grade students (n?=?10,310, 59% female, 83% white) using cross-sectional data from the PROSPER study. Different dimensions of isolation relate to substance use in distinct ways: unliked isolation is associated with lower alcohol use, whereas disengagement and outside orientation are linked to higher use of all three substances. Specifically, disengagement presents risks for cigarette and marijuana use among boys, and outside orientation is associated with cigarette use for girls. Overall, the adolescents disengaged from their school network who also identify close friends outside their grade are at greatest risk for substance use. This study indicates the importance of considering the distinct social positions of isolation to understand risks for both substance use and social isolation in adolescence. 相似文献
99.
Patrick Fisher 《Society》2008,45(6):504-511
There is evidence of a realignment among voters entering the electorate in recent years, with younger voters deviating from
older voters in their ideological and partisan preferences. Younger voters today tend to be more liberal and more supportive
of Democratic candidates than other age groups. Younger Americans are generally favor a more activist government, as demonstrated
by their views on equality, the role of government, health care, and spending for public schools and child care. The leftward
movement of younger Americans ideologically is also the result of the increasing political emphasis on cultural issues. Younger
Americans as a group are less religious and less conservative on social issues than other age cohorts. They put less emphasis
on traditional values and are more tolerant than other age groups on social issues such as gay rights. Older voters, on the
other hand, tend to be more conservative on policy issues and less supportive of Democrats than they used to be. At the state
level, the partisan polarization in the United States is even greater among younger Americans than it is for the nation as
a whole. This suggests that if younger Americans follow other generations in keeping the same partisan voting patterns throughout
their life, the blue states will become bluer and the red states redder.
相似文献
Patrick FisherEmail: |
100.
Tamika C. B. Zapolski Sycarah Fisher Devin E. Banks Devon J. Hensel Jessica Barnes-Najor 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(8):1702-1715
Ethnic identity is an important buffer against drug use among minority youth. However, limited work has examined pathways through which ethnic identity mitigates risk. School-aged youth (N?=?34,708; 52?% female) of diverse backgrounds (i.e., African American (n?=?5333), Asian (n?=?392), Hispanic (n?=?662), Multiracial (n?=?2129), Native American (n?=?474), and White (n?=?25718) in grades 4–12 provided data on ethnic identity, drug attitudes, and drug use. After controlling for gender and grade, higher ethnic identity was associated with lower past month drug use for African American, Hispanic, and Multiracial youth. Conversely, high ethnic identity was associated with increased risk for White youth. An indirect pathway between ethnic identity, drug attitudes, and drug use was also found for African American, Hispanic, and Asian youth. Among White youth the path model was also significant, but in the opposite direction. These findings confirm the importance of ethnic identity for most minority youth. Further research is needed to better understand the association between ethnic identity and drug use for Multiracial and Hispanic youth, best ways to facilitate healthy ethnic identity development for minority youth, and how to moderate the risk of identity development for White youth. 相似文献