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To the best of our knowledge, the present register is the only nationwide forensic psychiatric patient register in the world. The aim of this article is to describe the content of the Swedish National Forensic Psychiatric Register (SNFPR) for Swedish forensic patients for the year 2010. The subjects are individuals who, in connection with prosecution due to criminal acts, have been sentenced to compulsory forensic psychiatric treatment in Sweden. The results show that in 2010, 1476 Swedish forensic patients were assessed in the SNFPR; 1251 (85%) were males and 225 (15%) were females. Almost 60% of the patients had a diagnosis of schizophrenia, with a significantly higher frequency among males than females. As many as 70% of the patients had a previous history of outpatient psychiatric treatment before becoming a forensic psychiatric patient, with a mean age at first contact with psychiatric care of about 20 years old for both sexes. More than 63% of the patients had a history of addiction, with a higher proportion of males than females. Furthermore, as many as 38% of all patients committed crimes while under the influence of alcohol and/or illicit drugs. This was more often the case for men than for women. Both male and female patients were primarily sentenced for crimes related to life and death (e.g., murder, assault). However, there were more females than males in treatment for general dangerous crimes (e.g., arson), whereas men were more often prosecuted for crimes related to sex. In 2010, as many as 70% of all forensic patients in Sweden had a prior sentence for a criminal act, and males were prosecuted significantly more often than females. The most commonly prescribed pharmaceuticals for both genders were antipsychotics, although more women than men were prescribed other pharmaceuticals, such as antidepressants, antiepileptics, and anxiolytics. The result from the present study might give clinicians an opportunity to reflect upon and challenge their traditional treatment methods.  相似文献   
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Abstract. The tremendous upsurge in public-sector collective bargaining in the last decade has prompted a search for new types of dispute settlement, particularly in so-called essential services. The right to strike for public employees has not been accepted in many jurisdictions, particularly in the United States. Compulsory arbitration is rejected widely by both union and management representatives hecausc it fails to take into account the dynamics of the negotiating process, stultifying rather than encouraging bargaining. Final offer Selection is presented as a possible alternative to strikes and arbitration. The process has been utilized effectively in the United States, particularly in Michigan and Wisconsin. It has not received popular acceptance thus far in Canada, although the committee established to propose new labour legislation in hlanitoba has recommended it. The University of Alberta has used it for determination of faculty disputes and the Ontario Hydro Engineers have also used it. The Finkelinan Report on suggested changes in the federal public service legislatioii refers to it as a possible dispute-settling device. There are many variations of final offer arbitration but, in general, it requires that after negotiations have reached an impasse, an arbitrator, upon hearing the final positions of the parties, would select the ‘most reasonable’ offer. The arbitrator would not be free to compromise hut would be required to accept one pusition or the other in toto. The attractiveness of the process stems from the impetus given to reach agreement on as many issues as possible so that the gamble of convincing the arbitrator is lessened and he has fewer items to consider when making his choice. Thus, the theory stresses the importance of the parties being ‘reasonable’ in their demands. Critics of the system believe that it turns the adjudication process into a poker game and have referred to it as ‘industrial relations roulette.’ With all its disadvantages, to an organization like Michigan Firefighters Union, which cannot countenance a strike, or to the public, which must endure the inconvenience and expenses of strikes in the public service, final position arbitration has much to be said in its favour. Sommaire. L'énorme multiplication des négociations collectives dans le secteur public au cours de la dernière déennie a suscité des recherches pour trouver de nouveaux moyens de resoudre les différends, surtout en ce qui concerned les services dits ‘essentiels.’ De nombreuses juridictions, en particulier aux Etats- Unis, ont refusé le droit de grève aux employés du secteur public. L'arbitrage obligatoire est trés souvent rejeté par les syndicats comme par les employeurs, parce qu'il ne tient pas compte de la dynamique du processus de négociation et tend à restreindre les échanges plutôt qu'à les encourager. Le choix entre des offres définitives est considéré comme une possibilité par rapport à la gré ou à l'arbitrage. Ce processus a été utilisé efficacement aux Etats-Unis et plus particuliérement dans le Michigan et le Wisconsin. II n'a pas eu jusqu'à présent beaucoup de succès au Canada, bien qu'il ait été recom-niandé au Manitoba par la Commission chargée de proposer une nouvelle législation du travail. L'Université de I'Alberta s'en est servie pour résoudre des dif-férends avec le corps enseignant, mmme dailleurs les ingénieurs de l'Ontario Hydro. Le rapport Finkelman qui a proposé des modifications àA lég législation fédérale répissant la fonction publique le mentionne également comme un inoven possible de résoudre des différends II v a toutes sortes de variantes de l'arbitrage des offres définitives mais en général, cette méthode exige que l'arbitre, lorsque les parties àB la négociation se trouvent dans une impasse, et que leurs offres sont définitives, choisisse la ‘plus raisonnable.’ L'arbitre n'est pas libre de faire un compromis entre les deux, il doit accepter I'une ou l'autre des offres in toto. L'intérét de ce processus est qu'il incite les parties à faire tous les efforts pour arriver à un accord sur le plus de questions possibles de façon à réduire la discrétion de l'arbitre. Les parties ont ainsi intérêt àêtre ‘raisonnables’ dans leurs demands. Les critiques du système ont peur que ce genre d'arbitrage transforme le processus d'adjudication en une partie de poker et certains ont appelé l'arbitrage des positions définitives ‘la roulette des relations industrielles.’ Malgé tous ces inconvénients, l'arbitrage des offres définitives demeure attrayant pour le svndicat des pompiers du Michigan qui ne peut pas envisager la grève et pour le public qui doit supporter les désagréments et !es coûts des gréves dans le service public.  相似文献   
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Within current neo-liberal approaches to development, models of community-driven development assume that community-based workers (CBWs) are key actors in improved and accessible service delivery. We argue that use of CBWs is under-theorised and seems to be based largely on untested assumptions about community participation and responsibility. Drawing on case studies on potable-water management and home-based care for HIV/AIDS patients in Tanzania and South Africa, the article explores issues of accountability, professionalism, and personal motivations in systems involving CBWs. It argues that many assumptions in relation to the effectiveness of CBW programmes require re-visiting.  相似文献   
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Major campaign donors are highly concentrated geographically. A relative handful of neighborhoods accounts for the bulk of all money contributed to political campaigns. Public opinion in these elite neighborhoods is very different from that in the country as a whole and in low-donor areas. On a number of prominent political issues, the prevailing viewpoint in high-donor neighborhoods can be characterized as cosmopolitan and libertarian, rather than populist or moralistic. Merging Federal Election Commission contribution data with three recent large-scale national surveys, we find that these opinion differences are not solely the result of big-donor areas’ high concentration of wealthy and educated individuals. Instead, these neighborhoods have a distinctive political ecology that likely reinforces and intensifies biases in opinion. Given that these locales are the origin for the lion’s share of campaign donations, they may steer the national political agenda in unrepresentative directions.  相似文献   
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In this study, we randomly assigned 123 sixth and seventh grade classrooms from seven middle schools in the greater Cleveland area to one of two five-session curricula addressing gender violence/sexual harassment (GV/SH) or to a no-treatment control group. A baseline survey and two follow-up surveys were administered immediately after the treatment (Wave 2) and about six months post-treatment (Wave 3). In an earlier paper, we demonstrated the effectiveness of two approaches to youth GV/SH prevention programming (a fact-based, law and justice curriculum and an interaction-based curriculum). In this paper, we explored whether these largely positive findings remain for both girls and boys, including whether girls experience higher levels of GV/SH than boys. Most of our statistical models proved to be non-statistically significant. However, in 2 of our 48 victimization/perpetration (any violence, sexual violence and non-sexual violence) models (across two post-intervention follow-up points), we observed that the interventions reduced peer (male or female, non-dating partner) sexual violence victimization and reduced peer perpetration, but another outcome model indicated that the interventions increased dating perpetration. These mixed findings will need to be explored further in future research. Regarding our primary research question, we observed no statistically significant differences for the treatment multiplied by gender interaction terms for any of the perpetration or victimization outcome models, suggesting that the treatment had similar effects on girls and boys. However, we did observe that boys are more involved in violence than girls: both as victims and perpetrators. Boys experienced significantly more of three types of victimization from peers and dating partners compared to what girls experienced at the hands of their peers and dating partners. As perpetrators, boys committed more sexual victimization against peers (immediately post-intervention only) and more sexual victimization against dating partners than girls. The implications of these results are discussed.  相似文献   
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