An ocean for the Global South: Brazil and the zone of peace and cooperation in the South Atlantic

In this article, we analyse an instance of revitalisation of a dormant interregional organisation dating back to the Cold War: the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS), initially launched by South American and African states in 1986 through the UN General Assembly. Drawing on the concepts of “consensual hegemony” we argue that the current phase of ZOPACAS’ existence is characterised by Brazil's efforts to rekindle it, thus reflecting its aspiration to create a new space of influence. Rather than pursuing more traditional forms of regional leadership, Brazil uses ZOPACAS as part of a persuasion-based strategy based on regional multilateralism that is designed in antagonism to other international organisations and Western powers. However, this strategy also faces important limitations resulting from resource constraints, lack of institutionalisation and an excessive exclusionary focus on minimising the role of global powers with interests in the region.     

Perceived police legitimacy: investigating its association with college-based informal social controls

Research has found that when private citizens view law enforcement as legitimate authority figures, they are more likely to obey laws and voluntarily comply with police demands. Although procedural justice has shown to be an important predictor of perceived police legitimacy, a recent line of studies has found other significant correlates of this outcome, including media exposure, ethnic identity and strain. To date, however, few studies have explored the role collegiate-based informal social controls play in predicting law enforcement legitimacy evaluations. Using questionnaire data from a convenience sample of college students, linear regression equations were estimated to explore whether Hirschi's four social bond measures predict the obligation to obey and trust in police constructs of police legitimacy. Across both models and even after controlling for procedural justice, respondent beliefs were positively correlated with these measures. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.     

Aggressive/intrusive behaviours,harassment and stalking of members of the United Kingdom parliament: a prevalence study and cross-national comparison

Politicians suffer intrusive and aggressive behaviours from members of the public, often lone actors fixated on personal grievances. Few explorations of intrusive behaviours towards politicians have been published; their results are not directly comparable. We surveyed intrusive/aggressive behaviours towards UK members of parliament (MPs); our survey instrument was then administered to MPs at three other parliaments (Queensland, New Zealand, and Norway), providing a cross-national, four-site comparison. 239 MPs completed the UK survey. This 38% response rate produced prevalence rates remarkably similar to the other sites, New Zealand having an 84% response rate. 81% of UK MPs had experienced one or more of the 12 behaviours specified, the mean being five. 18% had been subject to attack/attempted attack, 42% to threats to harm and 22% to property damage. In 53% of respondents, experiences met definitions of stalking or harassment. This has implications for the provision of risk assessment and management.     

Cross-sectoral strategies in global sustainability governance: towards a nexus approach

The recent shift from the Millennium Development Goals to the much broader Sustainable Development Goals has given further impetus to the debate on the nexus between the multiple sectors of policy-making that the Goals are to cover. The key message in this debate is that different domains—for instance, water, energy and food—are interconnected and can thus not be effectively resolved unless they are addressed as being fully interrelated and interdependent. Yet while this overall narrative is forcefully supported in the new UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the 17 Sustainable Development Goals that are the main part of this agenda, many Goals still remain sectoral in their basic outlook. This now requires, we argue, a new focus in both policy and research on the nexus between different Sustainable Development Goals, especially with a view to reforms in the overall institutional setting that is required to sufficiently support such a nexus approach. This article thus examines the nexus approach in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals and identifies multiple avenues for its institutionalisation in global governance.     

Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States

Abstract. Describing Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States presents a difficult task. The Canadian Embassy in Washington is a large and complex organization, housing diverse departmental representatives from Ottawa who have varied interests and perform different functions. Over a dozen departments and agencies, in addition to the Department of External Affairs, are actively represented in the United States. The Canadian Embassy is therefore an ‘organizational umbrella’ under which all Canadian governmental activity in the United States is subsumed. The organizational difficulties of Canadian representation are further complicated by the Washington diplomatic environment, in which some 123 nations compete to further their interests. Canadian diplomatic representation in the United States, extremely important given the American impact on Canadian policies, has become even more so because of increasingly divergent Canadian and us policies. One of the fundamental questions now facing Canadians is how to manage and administer this extraordinarily complex relationship. This article examines how Canadian representation in the United States began, how Canadian officials in the United States are organized, and what their representational functions are. First a short history is given of the development of the Legation and the Embassy in Washington and an analysis of the ministers and ambassadors who have served as head of post. Then the organizational components of the Embassy are examined: the ambassador and deputy head of post; the Political and Economic Sections; the Office of Information and the Canadian Government Office of Tourism; the Canadian Defence Liaison Staff and the Supply and Services Division; and the Post Central Administration. Police Liaison Division, and the National Research Council. Their internal organization, the functions of the units, and their interrelationships with each other and Ottawa are investigated. A concluding section summarizes the problems still to be resolved. Sommaire. La représentation diplomatique canadienne aux Etats-Unis est une tâche difficile. L'ambassade canadienne à Washington est une vaste organisation complexe qui abrite des représentants de ministères ayant des intérês particuliers et remplissant des fonctions différentes. Il y a, en effet, plus de douze ministères et organismes, en plus du Ministère des Affaires extérieures, qui sont représentés aux Etats-Unis. L'ambassade canadienne est donc une organisation regroupant toute l'activité gouvernementale canadienne aux Etats-Unis. Les difficultés administratives de la représentation canadienne aux Etats-Unis sont encore compliquées par le milieu diplomatique de Washington où quelque 123 pays essaient de faire valoir leurs intérêts. Il n'en reste pas moins, quelles que soient les difficultés, que la représentation diplomatique canadienne est une tâche extrêmement importante étant donné l'impact des Etats-Unis sur les politiques canadiennes et elle a encore augmenté d'importance du fait de la divergence croissante des politiques canadiennes et américaines. L'un des problemes fondanientaux des politiques canadiennes est maintenant de savoir comment le Canada est organisé pour diriger et administrer ses relations extrêmement complexes avec les Etats-Unis. L'auteur de cet article examine l'un des aspects de cette question générale en considérant comment la représentation canadienne a commencé aux Etats-Unis, comment les representants canadiens y sont organisés et ce que leurs fonctions. Il presente d'abord un court historique du développement de la légation et de l'ambassade à Washington et les Ministres et les Ambassadeurs qui en ont eu la direction. Il analyse ensuite les différents services de l'ambassade: les fonctions de l'ambassadeur et de son second, les sections éconorniques et politiques, le service d'information et le bureau du tourisme du Gouvernement canadien, le personnel canadien de liaison pour la défense, le service d'intendance, l'administration centrale, le service de liaison policière et le Conseil national de recherche. Il examine dans chaque section l'organisation interne, les fonctions des différents éléments ainsi que les rapports qu'ils ont entre eux et avec Ottawa. Il expose en terminant les difficultés que présente la représentation diplomatique canadienne aux Etats-Unis.     

Crime and the multi-ethnic society: A view from Europe

The old questions about possible relationships between race or ethnicity and crime are shown to be unsatisfactory as they have been based on the wrong assumption that race and ethnic background constitute natural categories. The author discusses recent crime patterns in Europe —and in The Netherlands in particular — that have emerged as a result of societies becoming multiethnic. His research agenda includes the study of contrasting crime profiles, patterns of police selectivity, discrimination and racist violence, culture conflict and internationally organized crime.     

The year without Mardi Gras

This is a case study of the proceeding of one police strike in the American Deep South of the 1970s. The author discusses the strike as a conflict between the Teamsters' Union wanting to make an inroad among governmental workers in major cities and a just elected black city administration. The threat that organized crime would take over turned against the local Police Union as Northern so-called international negotiators had been brought to New Orleans. First black mayor Dutch Morial was supported by the captains of the Mardi Gras parades to call off Mardi Gras in order to break the strike.     

Program planning and control in

Abstract. This paper examines the process of planning a program and assigning priorities in the Canada Counci?s support of scholarship and research. This requires a differentiation of claims on the Counci?s resources. The primary basis of this categorization was the nature of the activity for which support was requested. Although other bases of differentiation entered into the administration of the program - the characteristics of the claimants, the kinds of expenditure for which subsidies were sought, the academic disciplines and the content of the proposed research - they were found to be unsuitable for program planning and the allocation of resources. Once claims were categorized, the simplest way to define priorities was to identify which kinds of claims would be considered and which were excluded, with an undertaking to meet all of the former that passed a test of quality. From 1965 to 1969 the Council relied heavily on this approach, both because it offered the clearest statement of priorities and because it was thought to provide the greatest stimulus to research and graduate studies. But from 1969 on, with its appropriation virtually frozen, the Council resorted increasingly to a more sophisticated approach which ascribed controlled allotments to a growing range of program elements and manipulated the response to claims in each category to keep within the bounds of the allotments. The move to establish a new council for the humanities and social sciences, which would be subject to the budgetary and financial controls of the government, accelerated this transition by jeopardizing the financial flexibility on which the Canada Council had relied in treating the adjustment of priorities as an integral and continuous part of its program administration. Sommaire. .?auteur de cet article examine le processus de planification ?un programme et ?établissement de priorités en ce qui concerne le soutien que le Conseil des Arts accorde à?érudition et à la recherche. Ceci demande, tout ?abord, de trier les demandes ?aide au Conseil. Cette première catégorisation a été basée sur la nature de ?activité pour laquelle une subvention était de-mandée. Il y avait ?autres éléments de differéntiation à entrer en ligne de compte, à savoir: les caractéristiques des requérants, le genre de dépenses pour lesquelles des subsides étaient sollicités, les disciplines académiques et la teneur de la recherche proposée, mais ces éléments n'étaient pas considérés comme suffisants pour permettre la planification et ?allocation des ressources. Une fois les demandes catégorisées, la façon la plus simple de définir les priorités était ?identifier les demandes qui seraient considérées et celles quiseraient exclues tout en s'engageant à satisfaire toutes les demandes de la première catégorie ayant réussi un test de qualité. Entre 1965 et 1969, le Conseil a principalement utilisé cette approche, à la fois parce qu'elle offrait la formulation de priorités la plus claire et fournissait, pensait-on, un remarquable stimulant à la recherche et aux études graduées. Mais à partir de 1969, en raison de coupures budgétaires, le Conseil adopta de plus en plus une approche plus sophistiquee qui consistait à attribuer des sommes déterminées à une gamme croissante ?éléments de programme et à manipuler ?analyse des demandes dans chaque catégorie de facon à rester dans les limites des sommes déterminées. La création ?un nouveau Conseil pour les humanités et les sciences sociales, sujet aux contrôles budgétaires et financiers du Gouverne-ment, a accéléié cette transition en compromettant la souplesse financiére qui permettait au Conseil des Arts de traiter ?ajustement des priorités comme une partie intégrate et continue de ?administration de son programme.