THE BOOK SHELF

Books reviewed in this article: 1. Amour, Richard. A Short History of Sex . Clinebell, Howard J ., Jr., and Charlotte H. Clinebell. The Intimate Marriage . 3. Mark, Vernon HA, M.D., and Frank R. Ervin, M.D. Violence and the Brain . 4. Gardner, Richard A., M.D. The Boys and Girls Book about Divorce . 5. Gordon, Thomas. Parent Effectiveness Training . 6. Kutscher, Austin &., Ed. But Not to Lose . 7. Mendel, Werner M., M.D. A Celebration of Laughter . 8. Ohlsen, Merle M. Group Counseling . 9. Reuben, David, M.D. Everything You Always Wanted to Know, etc. 10. Rogers, Carl. On Encounter Groups . 11. Shepard, Martin, M.D., and Marjorie Lee. Games Analysts Play . 12. Viseman, Jacqueline P. Stations of the Lost .     

An Examination of the Impact of Budget Reform on Arizona and Oklahoma Appropriations

Government reform shifts from using the budget as a control mechanism to focusing on how the budget can leverage planning and management tools that emphasize results. This research investigates reform at the state level. First, has the emphasis in the appropriations format changed from a control to more of a planning or performance orientation? Second, what factors explain any change in the level of control exercised through the appropriations process? Through multiple regression analysis, this research finds that Arizona, a reform state, is more likely to have reduced appropriations format control than Oklahoma, a nonreform state. Also, an elected agency head, the number of changes in the head of the agency, the level of reliance on the general fund, and the format received in a prior year are predictors of change.     

Talking past each other: Journalists,readers and local newspaper reporting of general election campaigns in the UK

Drawing on an extensive database of local press reporting of the last four general elections (1987, 1992, 1997 and 2001), as well as contemporary interviews with journalists and editors, this paper argues that local press coverage of the constituency campaign has changed markedly since 1987, and in ways which may contribute to diminishing voter interest and participation in elections. Significantly, journalists do not perceive themselves as the ‘cause’ of voter apathy, but their efforts to ‘lighten up’ election coverage and report local election issues, contrast starkly with readers' preference for more serious reporting of the national agenda. Journalists and readers appear to be talking past each other in the pages of the local press. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

The Paradox of Implementing the Government Performance and Results Act: Top-Down Direction for Bottom-Up Implementation

Research on the implementation of the Government Performance and Results Act generally has not considered how the strategic plan, annual performance plan, and annual performance report are produced and used. Are the documents good decision and management tools, as the act intends, or are agencies internalizing them to meet the unique needs of their organization? Interviews with representatives of 14 cabinet‐level federal agencies suggest that implementation of the act is not standardized. Instead, it is influenced by the unique challenges that agencies face. Further, there is a relationship between the implementation challenges and the overall use of the documents.     

Whither Trial Consulting? Issues and Projections

Law and Human Behavior - Trial consulting is fast becoming de rigeur in major litigation. This article first reviews the growth of the field and its most common applications. Coinciding with the...     

Pivotal power brokers: Theory and evidence on political fundraising

This study examines the campaign fundraising success of Senate incumbents that have a unique, pivotal status (legislatively) in the Senate with regards to parliamentary procedures (e.g., the filibuster). Regression estimates place the fundraising advantage, in favor of certain pivotal moderates over all other Senators, at about $2.12 million (in real terms) in total contribution per 2-yr election cycle. Pivotal status is even more significant in explaining variations in PAC contribution in the U.S. Senate, given that individuals who make contributions are not likely to be as interested as PACs in ‘buying policy.’ The results also suggest that Krehbiel’s Pivotal Politics (Krehbiel, K. (1988). Pivotal Politics: A Theory of U.S. lawmaking. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago press.) construct warrants modification, given that it offers prediction about policy outcomes and gridlock intervals without fully incorporating interest group politics of the ‘vote-buying’ or ‘policy-buying’ variety.     

Responding to Gendered Violence Among College Students: The Impact of Participant Characteristics on Direct Bystander Intervention Behavior

ABSTRACT

Bystander intervention has been an effective strategy for crime prevention and has been successful in the context of campus sexual assault. Less is known about the extent to which individual-level factors correlate with intervention behavior in situations of intimate partner violence (IPV) and sexual harassment. The present study used a sample of 377 undergraduate student surveys on a campus without a bystander intervention program to examine the impact of individual-level participant factors on direct intervention across sexual assault, IPV, and sexual harassment scenarios. Findings demonstrated statistically significant differences where positive bystander attitudes and violence prevention efficacy correlated with direct intervention for sexual assault; positive bystander attitudes, personality extroversion, and exposure to a victim increased intervention behavior in an IPV scenario, and positive bystander attitudes and violence prevention efficacy increased direct intervention and lifetime experience of IPV decreased direct intervention in a sexual harassment scenario. Research and policy implications are discussed.     

Loyal political cartels and committee assignments in Congress: Evidence from the Congressional Black Caucus

This study presents a political model whichsuggests that monopoly legislators form cartel-likeorganizations (referred to as ``memberships'') in aneffort to extract greater benefits in the politicalprocess. Based on a model by Coker and Crain (1994)that provides theoretical and statistical argumentsfor congressional committees as loyalty-generatinginstitutions, the instant research examines committeeplacement of ``members'' of the Congressional BlackCaucus (CBC) in the U.S. House by Democrat leaders.Voting records indicate that the CBC is uniform in itsvoting patterns, indicating cartel-like behavior.Because of this, the Democratic leadership in theHouse chooses to place CBC members on importantcommittees in order to support their policy agenda.The general finding of this study is that ``blackrepresentation'' may be greater than simply theproportion of seats held by black Representatives."Legislators differ substantially by virtue of their committeeassignments. Committees in Congress, and particularly in theHouse of Representatives, possess disproportionate power over thepolicy areas in their respective jurisdictions, have the rightto hold hearings, and recommend budget allocations for ...bureaus ..." (Grier and Munger, 1991: 25)