The political economy of taking and just compensation

By creating an implicit right to judicial review and lowering the transaction costs a property owner must incur to challenge a taking, the just compensation restriction on eminent domain limits the tendency of political decision-makers to avoid the subjective costs their actions inflict on property owners and moves the level of taking closer to the social optimum. Its impact, however, is partially to completely erased by the risk aversion of the property owner and the fiscal illusion of the political decision-maker, unless there are additional constraints in the fiscal constitution.     

An Application of Attachment Theory to Court-Mandated Batterers

The purpose of this study was to investigate levels of interpersonal dependency, an indicator of insecure attachment in adulthood, among batterers court-mandated into domestic violence treatment. The study collected data from 158 batterers beginning treatment and 25 nonviolent men. Analysis indicated that batterers demonstrated significantly elevated levels of interpersonal dependency, relative to the nonviolent comparison group. These findings indicate that more research is needed before the role of interpersonal dependency in the etiology and maintenance of domestic violence can be understood. Program Director, Alternatives to Violence Program     

THE RELATIVE RESPONSIVENESS OF STATE AND FEDERAL AID TO DISTRESSED CITIES

Both the states and the federal government distribute significant aid to cities. Federal agencies generally offer direct assistance to cities, bypassing the states. Many federal programs operate under the assumption that the federal government is more responsive to urban problems than are state governments. This paper demonstrates that this assumption is probably not true. Federal aid administered through the states has benefitted "distressed" cities more than federal assistance which goes directly to urban areas.     

The prevention of nuclear war in a world of uncertainty

The simple treatment of complex issues in the nuclear world has created dangerously self-deceptive and sterile views of such conflict. Calculations of missile duels and other possible strategic interactions have led to analytic self-deception where the more simplified the calculation, the greater the distance between the atrocious abstraction and the incomprehensible reality for which it serves as a disguise. Fictionalizing about deterrence and its variants has led to intellectual and moral self-deception where the focus of the fiction has diverted attention and action from other likely ways in which a nuclear conflict could be initiated, such as accidents, conventional wars, or terrorism. Besides reexamining old and diversionary patterns of thought and action—cultural strait jackets—we need more fundamental investigations into ways in which the weapons of modern war might be made less dangerous, procedures to make crises reversible, and improved and creative mechanisms for reducing and limiting the spread of nuclear weapons.