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31.
Previous work suggests that δ(18)O values of human hair can be used to constrain the region-of-origin of unknown individuals, but robust assessments of uncertainties in this method are lacking. Here we assess one source of uncertainty - temporal variation in the δ(18)O value of drinking water - using a monthly tap water survey of δ(18)O to develop geospatial models (i.e., maps) of the intra-annual variation (seasonality) in tap water δ(18)O for the contiguous USA. Temporal variation in tap water δ(18)O was correlated with water-supply type, and was related to geographic patterns of precipitation δ(18)O seasonality and water residence time. The maps were applied in a Bayesian framework to identify the geographic origin of an unidentified woman found in Utah, based on measured δ(18)O of scalp hair. The results are robust in specifying parts of the western USA as the most likely region-of-origin. Incorporation of tap water δ(18)O seasonality in the analysis reduces the precision of geographic assignments, but other sources of uncertainty (e.g., spatial interpolation uncertainty) have an equal or larger effect. 相似文献
32.
Gabriel Chin 《Criminal justice ethics》2018,37(2):182-188
33.
The term racism is engaged at two seemingly independent levels of analysis within Marxism. At one level it constitutes a definite concept within some general theory of capitalist relations of production and their corresponding ideological forms. At another level these ideological forms express themselves in a range of discriminatory practices. Marxism here takes up the challenge in terms of a more practical struggle. The present article establishes the connection between these two levels of analysis. It does so in particular via a consideration of the contributions of O. C. Cox and E. Genovese to the field. The implications of such theoretical work are then identified in terms of a number of strategies adopted by the Left to combat racism. The deficiencies at one level are seen to generate problems at the other. Racism, it is argued, signifies an almost indiscriminate range of practices that cannot be conceived together as effects either of dominant economic class relations and/or the political will of the ruling class. 相似文献
34.
Julián Arévalo Gabriel Angarita Tovar Wilber Jiménez Hernández 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(218):233-269
This article sets out changes which the Colombian party system experienced throughout the last two decades. It focuses on the topics, ideology and party divisions present in a representative sample of the last four legislatures’ congress members. This study is based on factorial and discriminate analyses, making use of the Latin American Parliamentarian Elites database. This article holds that the 2003 political reform had a positive effect on Colombian parties’ and social movements’ ideological coherence within Congress. Electoral reforms are also discussed in the light of these findings. 相似文献
35.
Silke Keil & Oscar Gabriel 《German politics》2013,22(2):239-246
After 58 years in the position of dominant political party, the Christian Democrats suffered from an electoral defeat in the Baden-Württemberg state election of 27 March 2011 and, as a result of the election, the first Green prime minister was elected and headed a state government formed by the Green and the Social Democrat parties. The main reasons for this political landslide were the unique constellation of political issues and the voters' attitudes towards the candidates for the office of prime minister. Instead of economic issues traditionally ‘owned’ by the Christian Democrats, the nuclear catastrophe in Fukushima and the bitter conflict over the reconstruction of the Stuttgart railway station brought ‘new politics’ issues to the top of the agenda. Moreover, never before in the history of German state elections was a prime minister running for re-election as unpopular as the leading candidate of Christian Democrats. Finally, many voters were convinced that it was just time for a change. 相似文献
36.
37.
Social Orientation: Problem Behavior and Motivations Toward Interpersonal Problem Solving Among High Risk Adolescents 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A model of problematic adolescent behavior that expands current theories of social skill deficits in delinquent behavior to consider both social skills and orientation toward the use of adaptive skills was examined in an ethnically and socioeconomically diverse sample of 113 male and female adolescents. Adolescents were selected on the basis of moderate to serious risk for difficulties in social adaptation in order to focus on the population of youth most likely to be targeted by prevention efforts. Structural equation modeling was used to examine cross-sectional data using multiple informants (adolescents, peers, and parents) and multiple methods (performance test and self-report). Adolescent social orientation, as reflected in perceived problem solving effectiveness, identification with adult prosocial values, and self-efficacy expectations, exhibited a direct association to delinquent behavior and an indirect association to drug involvement mediated by demonstrated success in using problem solving skills. Results suggest that the utility of social skill theories of adolescent problem behaviors for informing preventive and remedial interventions can be enhanced by expanding them to consider adolescents' orientation toward using the skills they may already possess. 相似文献
38.
Gabriel L. Negretto 《拉美政治与社会》2006,48(3):63-92
A widely accepted argument among scholars of Latin American presidential regimes is that interbranch cooperation is impaired when the president's party falls short of a majority of seats in the legislature. This argument fails to consider three factors that affect the performance of minority presidents: the policy position of the president's party, the president's capacity to sustain a veto, and the legislative status of the parties included in the cabinet. This article argues that the greatest potential for conflict in a presidential regime occurs when the president's party lacks the support of both the median and the veto legislator and no cabinet coalition holding a majority of legislative seats is formed. This hypothesis is supported using data on executive-legislative conflicts and on interrupted presidencies in Latin America during the period 1978–2003. 相似文献
39.
40.
Gabriel Temkin 《Communist and Post》1998,31(4):303-328
This paper grew out of the author's Karl Marx studies and his practical knowledge of Soviet-type communist economies. It covers a broad spectrum of ideas and practices prevalent in those economies, which— rightly or wrongly—have become associated with Marx's teaching and predictions. Chapter I tries to explain the reasons for Marx's continuous popularity. Chapter II critically examines the validity of the claim about Marxian socialism being “scientific” as opposed to “utopian”. The article, especially in chapter III elaborates on a number of other Marxian ideas, like that of the so-called “anarchy of the market”, which for many decades exerted a negative influence on his followers—theoreticians and practitioners engaged in building what they believed to be a communist economy and society. One of the quintessential features of Marx's teaching, which he took over from Smith and Ricardo, was the labor theory of value and the “law of value” in particular. The latter, interpreted by Stalin as “the law of value under socialism”, was used by him for ideological and propaganda purposes, but after his death has in turn been utilized by Marxists, non-Marxists and anti-Marxists to discredit the Stalinist economic system, and to advance propositions ranking from profound, relevant and commendable to vague and frivolous. Tracing in Chapter IV the peripetia of this “law” provides a deeper insight into both the essential weaknesses of the Marxian theory and the acute dilemmas of the Soviet-type economies. 相似文献