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A study has been made to demonstrate the capability of spark source mass spectrometry (SSMS) for differentiating bullets on the basis of elemental composition. Twenty-six elements are commonly found in bullet lead at the 0.1-ppm level and above. Only twelve of these prove to be generally useful for quantitative characterization. The precision of analysis with SSMS using photographic detection is about 10% relative standard deviation. The accuracy obtained in this study is considerably worse than this, about 30% average error. In spite of such large errors, SSMS is shown to be far superior to the more precise method of neutron activation analysis. The reason, of course, is the large number of elements determined by SSMS. Bullets do not have uniform elemental compositions within a box or lot. Instead, there are usually two or three distinct groups of bullets within a given box. Three Winchester boxes representing lots manufactured a few weeks apart showed common groups among them. All other boxes had unique groups of bullets, indicating that the method is a promising alternative to the conventional method of identifying bullets by physical markings. 相似文献
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Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Marianne Dahl Anne Frugé 《American journal of political science》2017,61(3):591-605
Why do organizations choose to use nonviolence? Why do they choose specific nonviolent tactics? Existing quantitative work centers on mass nonviolent campaign, but much of the nonviolence employed in contentious politics is smaller‐scale nonviolent direct action. In this article, we explore the determinants of nonviolence with new data at the organization level in self‐determination disputes from 1960 to 2005. We present a novel argument about the interdependence of tactical choices among nonviolent options in self‐determination movements. Given limitations on their capabilities, competition among organizations in a shared movement, and different resource requirements for nonviolent strategies, we show that organizations have incentives to diversify tactics rather than just copy other organizations. The empirical analysis reveals a rich picture of varied organizational resistance choices, and a complex web of interdependence among tactics. 相似文献
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Eva A. Paus Kevin P. Gallagher 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(1):53-80
This article offers an analytical framework for understanding the missing links between FDI and development, and applies it to the high technology sectors of Costa Rica and Mexico, the two countries in Latin America that have attracted the highest percentage of FDI in manufacturing. Since the advancement of knowledge-based assets in this sector is at the heart of structural change and development, we focus specifically on the conditions that enable or prevent positive knowledge spillovers from FDI. We identify two main reasons for the missing links between high-tech FDI and the development of indigenous knowledge-based assets in Costa Rica and Mexico. First, their governments did not have a coherent strategy, which would have spelled out the needed government policies to advance national capabilities, overcome market failures, and support the integration of national producers into TNCs’ global production networks. Second, there were limitations on the spillover potential from FDI. In Costa Rica and Mexico, technology or scale requirements for inputs made it difficult for large TNCs to source domestically beyond simple inputs like packaging materials. In Mexico, fundamental changes in the organization of global production chains in the computer industry led TNCs to rely on their global contract manufacturers rather than work with potential Mexican input suppliers. 相似文献
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This article explores the role of formal education and specific legal knowledge in the process of legal mobilization. Using survey data and in‐depth case narratives of workplace disputes in China, we highlight three major findings. First, and uncontroversially, higher levels of formal education are associated with greater propensity to use legal institutions and to find them more effective. Second, informally acquired labor law knowledge can substitute for formal education in bringing people to the legal system and improving their legal experiences. The Chinese state's propagation of legal knowledge has had positive effects on citizens' legal mobilization. Finally, while education and legal knowledge are factors that push people toward the legal system, actual dispute experience leads people away from it, especially among disputants without effective legal representation. The article concludes that the Chinese state's encouragement of individualized legal mobilization produces contradictory outcomes—encouraging citizens to use formal legal institutions, imbuing them with new knowledge and rights awareness, but also breeding disdain for the law in practice. 相似文献
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