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461.
Gary Wilson 《Liverpool Law Review》2014,35(2):157-173
The doctrine of the responsibility to protect, since its inception in the ICISS report of 2001, has been the subject of considerable discussion. Arguably its most publicised component is the principle that the international community has the responsibility to protect civilian populations against severe suffering where the relevant national authorities are unable or unwilling to do so. Consequently, the main focus of discourse upon the responsibility to protect has centred on its impact upon the approach of the international community to intervention in respect of situations posing considerable humanitarian crises. The events of the Arab Spring, in which full blown conflict in some states gave rise to serious human suffering, provided a real opportunity for the international community to evaluate the role of the responsibility to protect in decision-making over responding to such instances, and potentially to develop it into a practical and meaningfully implementable concept. However, due to political flaws inherent in the doctrine, and its arguably overstated significance, the doctrine at best played a minimal role in guiding the international response to developments in the Arab World. Nonetheless, responses to the Arab Spring do allow certain conclusions to be drawn in respect of the future relevance of the doctrine. 相似文献
462.
Scott H. Decker David C. Pyrooz Gary Sweeten Richard K. Moule Jr. 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2014,30(4):577-598
Objective
The study of gang members is closely linked to the self-nomination method. It is timely to revisit the criterion validity of self-nomination, as recent theoretical and empirical advancements in gang disengagement necessitate further differentiating current from former gang members. This study assessed differences in gang embeddedness—a construct that taps individual immersion within deviant social networks—across three groups: current gang members, former gang members, and those individuals who have never joined a gang.Methods
Data gathered in 2011 from a high-risk sample of 621 individuals in five cities were used to assess the validity of the self-nomination method. Standardized differences in a mixed graded response model of gang embeddedness were evaluated across the three statuses of gang membership.Results
Self-nomination was strongly related to embeddedness in gangs, even after controlling for demographic, theoretical, and gang-related factors. The strongest predictor of gang embeddedness was self-nomination as a current or a former gang member, although current gang members maintained levels of gang embeddedness about one standard deviation greater than former gang members. Self-nomination was also the primary determinant of gang embeddedness for males, females, whites, blacks, and Hispanics.Conclusion
The results of this study provide strong evidence in support of the use of self-nomination to differentiate between non-gang and gang members as well as current and former gang members, adding to a body of research demonstrating that self-nomination is a valid measure of gang membership. 相似文献463.
Recent ethical scandals involving managers in government organizations have highlighted the need for more research on ethical leadership in public sector organizations. To assess the consequences of ethical leadership, 161 managers in a large state government agency and 415 of their direct reports were surveyed, and personnel records were obtained to measure absenteeism. Results indicate that after controlling for the effects of employee characteristics, perceptions of procedural fairness, and supportive leader behavior, ethical leadership reduced absenteeism and had a positive influence on organizational commitment and willingness to report ethical problems. Implications of the findings and suggestions for future research are presented. 相似文献
464.
Gary E. Hollibaugh Jr. Gabriel Horton David E. Lewis 《American journal of political science》2014,58(4):1024-1042
To what extent do presidents select appointees based upon campaign experience and connections? The answer to this question has important implications for our understanding of presidential management and political leadership. This article presents a theory explaining where presidents place different types of appointees and why, focusing on differences in ideology, competence, and non‐policy patronage benefits among potential appointees. We develop a formal model and test its implications with new data on 1,307 persons appointed in the first six months of the Obama administration. The empirical results broadly support the theory, suggesting that President Obama was more likely to place appointees selected for non‐policy patronage reasons in agencies off his agenda, in agencies that shared his policy views, and where appointees are least able to affect agency performance. We conclude that patronage continues to play an important role in American politics, with important consequences for campaigns, presidential politics, and governance. 相似文献
465.
466.
In this Introduction, Larkin Dudley and Gary Wamsley reveal a dual intent in this project: to reprint the famous Papers on the Science of Administration and to celebrate critically Luther Gulick's contributions to public administration in order that the critique will help us understand ourselves and our conditions. Gulick's contributions as a man of action are praised, but his misplacement of an organizational conception upon a polity with a distinct constitutional design is questioned. In Dudley and Wamsley's view, American public administration is the study and practice of a key component of our governance process, misfounded on a concept of management in monocentric, hierarchical settings and on a focus of power of an elected executive. From the work of the other writers of this symposium, the authors tease out further some of the contradictions in hierarchy and democracy. Finally, they note that Gulick himself at the age of 93 published a repudiation of his early notions of organization based on hierarchy and, instead, called for a more democratic and participatory system in all agencies. 相似文献
467.
Latin American evangelicals have become a common presence in legislative politics. Brazil exemplifies the potential clout of evangelical legislators and a troubling tendency toward political corruption. This article explains the quality of evangelical interest representation by focusing on church organization and theology, arguing that evangelicals approach electoral politics via three different modes: rejection; participation as individual, politically engaged believers; and engagement as church corporate project. While individual participation is unrelated to political corruption, the corporate model fosters machine politics, characterized in Brazil by resource‐based politics, narrow voter bases, and frequent party switching. We link these characteristics to evangelical involvement in two corruption scandals that occurred during the administration of President Lula da Silva. The analysis shows the central role of evangelical organization and theology in shaping interest representation and suggests future duplication of the church‐as‐political‐machine model, particularly where the “Prosperity Theology” variant of pentecostalism is strong. 相似文献
468.
469.
Abstract Two experiments examined the efficacy of an optional deadline lineup procedure for distinguishing correct from incorrect eyewitness identification decisions. The procedure involved briefly presenting the lineup, removing the lineup from view, then giving participants the option of either making an identification decision or viewing the lineup again. When compared with participants operating under a forced deadline (i.e. forced to respond after the brief presentation) or standard lineup instructions, the optional deadline procedure identified participants with an impressive probability of having made a correct identification when used with target-present lineups and biased instructions. With unbiased instructions, the optional deadline produced clear discrimination between correct and incorrect identification decisions for choosers and, importantly, also for non-choosers. Possible strategies for improving the efficacy of the procedure are suggested. 相似文献
470.
Gary Christopher 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(8):697-709
Abstract Social problem-solving skills training forms a major part of many offender treatment programmes. In this study, we explored the influences of alexithymia, empathic concern and goal management on social problem-solving skills in 79 adult male prisoners in an attempt to identify affective and cognitive factors relevant to offenders’ social problem-solving skills. Results showed that alexithymia was associated with less effective social problem solving, whereas empathic concern and perspective taking were associated with more effective social problem solving, but unexpectedly also with a Negative Problem Orientation. Persistence in goal attainment was associated with effective social problem-solving abilities, and inflexibility in adopting new strategies in the face of obstacles was associated with maladaptive problem-solving styles. Implications for developing social problem-solving interventions for offenders are presented. 相似文献