首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   347篇
  免费   6篇
各国政治   32篇
工人农民   13篇
世界政治   40篇
外交国际关系   28篇
法律   148篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   70篇
综合类   18篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   2篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   6篇
  2017年   12篇
  2016年   17篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   9篇
  2013年   65篇
  2012年   17篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   14篇
  2009年   6篇
  2008年   5篇
  2007年   9篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   9篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   14篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   12篇
  1999年   13篇
  1998年   9篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   3篇
  1994年   7篇
  1992年   5篇
  1991年   3篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   3篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   3篇
  1984年   3篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   1篇
  1978年   2篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   1篇
  1974年   1篇
  1973年   2篇
  1972年   2篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
排序方式: 共有353条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.

The positive uses of the Internet by civil society groups, research ­institutes, governments and other entities interested in promoting Asia-Pacific community building and cooperative security regimes have been studied and ­appreciated. The paper begins with a discussion of regional Internet diffusion patterns and the associated increase in Internet incidents. In the wake of 11 September 2001 and recent analysis of the 'dark side' of the Internet and networks, it then examines some of the destructive ways Internet technologies are being used by actors in the Asia-Pacific region. It provides examples from the patterns of Internet conflict involving a quadral relationship among four nodes, uncivil society, civil society, government and business as well as the pattern of conflict within each of the nodes. Finally, it looks at three topic areas - national security agendas, the making of security policy and the regional security dialogue process - that deserve further attention.  相似文献   
92.
93.
94.
This article traces the theoretical foundations, evolution, and limitations of Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+), which is the Government of Canada's primary framework for attending to diversity and inclusion in public policy. We argue that GBA+ is, in its current form, inadequate to guide ambitious and transformative policy in the post-pandemic years given four interlocking issues: (1) a weak integration of intersectionality; (2) insufficient attention to the power structures and socio-political context undergirding social relations and policymaking; (3) an instrumental understanding of policy; and (4) a misreading of identity. Drawing on feminist, intersectional and post-structuralist methods, we adjust the GBA+ framework with the aim of addressing the conceptual shortcomings identified in our analysis. Ultimately, we demonstrate how a more explicit engagement with notions of intersectionality, power and policy's instrumental and productive aspects can enrich the ways we think about public policy as both a mechanism and a venue for transformative change.  相似文献   
95.
96.
97.
There is an enduring legacy of trivialisation and ineffectiveness at various stages in the criminal justice process when it comes to responding to domestic violence. One area of contention relates to sentence. Sentencers in England and Wales are bound by law to have regard to a number of aims: the punishment of offenders; deterrence; public protection; rehabilitation; and reparation. Whilst commentators have criticised the framework on the basis that it is contradictory and engenders inconsistency, it will be argued that granting sentencers discretion to balance the prescribed aims maximises the potential for a successful outcome in individual cases.  相似文献   
98.
99.
For contemporary constitutional theory, the key challenge posed by globalization undermines the traditional link between constitutionalism and the state: in response to multi‐level governance, theories of constitutionalism beyond the state have been advanced. This focus on levels obscures more fundamental epistemological questions raised by globalization about the nature of constitutionalism itself. Critical analysis of three leading schools of constitutionalism beyond the state – supranational, societal, and new constitutionalism – highlights their shared assumptions with state‐based thought regarding the separation between economics and politics, and the necessarily hegemonic character of constitutionalism. However, globalization intensifies critique of these assumptions, and questions their translation to the transnational context. An alternative scholarly fault line to the state/non‐state cleavage emerges between working within and transcending the politics of constitutional knowledge produced during the nation‐state era. A broader globalization perspective reveals the extent to which such processes of constitutional rethinking are under way through developments in the global South.  相似文献   
100.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号