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61.
Policy,Practicalities, and PACE s. 24: The Subsuming of the Necessity Criteria in Arrest Decision Making by Frontline Police Officers 下载免费PDF全文
PACE, as amended by the Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005, establishes a complex framework of factors that police officers must consider during arrest decision making. Officers must possess a reason to arrest, it must be necessary to arrest for that reason, and they must give at least a ‘cursory consideration’ to alternatives. Based on a four‐year ethnographic study of frontline officers from two forces in Northern England, we argue that the 2005 reforms have not achieved their aims. The new regime tasks officers with undertaking a complex legal assessment prior to arrest, but officers are often confused about the necessity criteria which, moreover, is typically a minor consideration in contrast to demanding practical and policy pressures. This means that unlawful and non‐human‐rights‐compliant arrests continue to be regularly made and, equally significantly, many suspects are escaping the criminal justice system because officers are not considering arrest alternatives. 相似文献
62.
- This paper discusses the integrated public affairs model most common in Australian companies, and its rationale. It describes some key characteristics of the function, drawing on a comprehensive survey of public affairs departments in late 2003. The function has become more senior and strategic, more closely aligned to business imperatives and with stable or growing budgets. It identifies areas of increased attention for practitioners, including support for organization transformation and culture change, stakeholder relations as a line, as well as staff function, reputation management and sustainability reporting.
63.
Richard Mulgan 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2006,65(2):48-58
The effect of outsourcing on government accountability for public services continues to be contested. Analysts point to an accountability deficit while governments insist that accountability is retained (and indeed improved). The existence of an accountability deficit is confirmed, using examples from the Commonwealth Job Network. The government claim, that accountability remains, is best interpreted as rhetorical, as a refusal to shift blame to private contractors, even though some channels of accountability may be weakened. The claim can be seen as evidence of an increasing incorporation of private contractors into the overall structure of government. 相似文献
64.
Aurelia George Mulgan 《Political studies》1997,45(5):875-899
The Japanese farm sector illustrates the key measures of rural electoral influence in advanced industrialized societies and the principal causes of decline in the electoral basis of agrarian power. The political impact of the farm vote is sensitive to wider social, economic and demographic changes as well as to restructuring processes in electoral, organizational and party-political systems. In Japan's case the agricultural electorate continues to shrink along with the electoral profile of rural and semi-rural constituencies and the number of farm politicians in the Diet, although the orientation of the ruling conservative party towards the rural sector is strengthening in relative terms. The disproportionate enfranchisement of farm voters will be further reduced by electoral reform, which will generate potential gains and losses for the farm sector. 相似文献
65.
Richard Mulgan 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1997,56(1):25-36
There is a sameness to writing on public accountability which does not always do justice to the subject. With responsibility and accountability conflated and an idealised version of the Westminster model held up as the only test, ministers constantly appear irresponsible. Yet a more complex account of public accountability is possible, one which acknowledges that no single institution can undertake the important work of ensuring accountability from ministers, the parliament and public servants. 相似文献
66.
The article begins by discussing trends in official U.S. information policies before the invasion of Grenada (1983), describing the tendency towards secrecy and limited disclosure. The immediate political background to the invasion is outlined, including an examination of attempts to produce a plausible justification for military intervention. The management of the media both immediately before and after the invasion is detailed and the article concludes by assessing the lessons and aftermaths of the information war fought during the Grenada episode.The Grenada ban is not an isolated incident, but part of a pattern ... (Time, 7 November 1983) 相似文献
67.
Richard Mulgan 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(3):345-356
This article analyses the main principles underlying public service responsiveness, illustrating them with examples drawn largely from recent experience in the Australian Commonwealth government. The final section attempts to identify some general international trends which are placing new strains on the relationships between politicians and public servants. 相似文献
68.
Geoff Mothersole 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(1):45-58
Abstract This paper reviews the literature on supervision in relation to forensic work and examines the need for such supervision in work with offenders. Three types of problematic countertransference are identified, which can be characterised as repulsive, helpless and voyeuristic in nature. Current research emphasising the role of attachment styles in sexual offending is seen as having implications for the treatment process and therefore for clinical supervision. Similarly, research emphasising the importance of group leadership skills in treatment is presented as indicating a need for supervision. Some problems with the provision of supervision are examined and it is concluded that it should be an integral part of any work with offenders. 相似文献
69.
70.
Richard Mulgan 《Public administration》2000,78(3):555-573
The scope and meaning of 'accountability' has been extended in a number of directions well beyond its core sense of being called to account for one's actions. It has been applied to internal aspects of official behaviour, beyond the external focus implied by being called to account; to institutions that control official behaviour other than through calling officials to account; to means of making officials responsive to public wishes other than through calling them to account; and to democratic dialogue between citizens where no one is being called to account. In each case the extension is readily intelligible because it is into an area of activity closely relevant to the practice of core accountability. However, in each case the extension of meaning may be challenged as weakening the importance of external scrutiny 相似文献