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941.
942.
John R. Hipp George E. Tita Lyndsay N. Boggess 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2011,27(1):27-51
There are numerous instances in which researchers wish to measure the rate of intra- or inter-group interactions (whether
positive or negative). When computing such measures as rates there is great uncertainty regarding the appropriate denominator:
we analytically illustrate how the choice of the denominator when calculating such rates is not trivial and that some existing
strategies create a built-in relationship between the computed rate and the group composition within the entity. Another strand
of prior work only focused on the relative occurrence of intra- versus inter-group events, which does not account for the
important theoretical possibility that both types of events might increase in certain social contexts. Our approach provides
an advance over these earlier strategies as it allows one to take into account the relative frequency of interaction between
members of different groups, but then translates this into per capita rates. We also provide an empirical example using data
on inter- and intra-group robbery and aggravated assault events for block groups in a section of the city of Los Angeles to
illustrate how our procedure works and to illustrate how other approaches can lead to dramatically different conclusions. 相似文献
943.
The majority of spatial studies of crime employ an inductive approach in both the modeling and interpretation of the mechanisms
of influence thought to be responsible for the patterning of crime in space and time. In such studies, the spatial weights
matrix is specified without regard to the theorized mechanisms of influence between the units of analysis. Recently, a more
deductive approach has begun to gain traction in which the theory of influence is used to model influence in geographic space.
Using data from Los Angeles, we model the spatial distribution of gang violence by considering both the relative location
of the gangs in space while simultaneously capturing their position within an enmity network of gang rivalries. We find that
the spatial distribution of gang violence is more strongly associated with the socio-spatial dimensions of gang rivalries
than it is with adjacency-based measures of spatial autocorrelation. 相似文献
944.
Robyn E. Thompson M.S. George Duncan Ph.D. Bruce R. McCord Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(6):1517-1529
A common problem in forensic DNA typing is PCR inhibition resulting in allele dropout and peak imbalance. In this paper, we have utilized the Plexor® real‐time PCR quantification kit to evaluate PCR inhibition. This is performed by adding increasing concentrations of various inhibitors and evaluating changes in melt curves and PCR amplification efficiencies. Inhibitors examined included calcium, humic acid, collagen, phenol, tannic acid, hematin, melanin, urea, bile salts, EDTA, and guanidinium thiocyanate. Results were plotted and modeled using mathematical simulations. In general, we found that PCR inhibitors that bind DNA affect melt curves and CT takeoff points while those that affect the Taq polymerase tend to affect the slope of the amplification curve. Mixed mode effects were also visible. Quantitative PCR results were then compared with subsequent STR amplification using the PowerPlex® 16 HS System. The overall results demonstrate that real‐time PCR can be an effective method to evaluate PCR inhibition and predict its effects on subsequent STR amplifications. 相似文献
945.
Gennaro F. Vito George E. Higgins Anthony G. Vito 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2014,39(4):753-770
The current study attempts to build upon previous analyses of capital sentencing in Kentucky and other states. Using data compiled from official court records compiled by the Kentucky Department of Public Advocacy, we examined death eligible homicide cases for the years 2000–2010 for the state (N?=?359). Multivariate analysis determined that the death penalty in Kentucky was sought 3.17 times or 217 % more when the victim is female. It also found that cases featuring a black defendant and a white victim were 56 % less likely to result in a plea than cases featuring other defendant/victim racial combinations. Despite legal requirements, Kentucky fails to collect data to assess the factors that influence the seeking and imposition of the death penalty. Paper presented at the Second Annual Forum on Criminal Law Reform in the Commonwealth of Kentucky on November 15, 2013 at the University of Kentucky Law School, Lexington, KY. 相似文献
946.
A large literature on the ‘flypaper effect’ examines how federal grants to states at time period t affect state spending (or taxes) at time period t. We explore the fundamentally different question of how federal grants at time period t affect state tax policy in the future. Federal grants often result in states creating new programs and hiring new employees, and when the federal funding is discontinued, these new state programs must either be discontinued or financed through increases in state own source taxes. Government programs tend to be difficult to cut, as goes Milton Friedman’s famous quote about nothing being as permanent as a temporary government program, suggesting that it is likely that temporary federal grants create permanent (future) ratchets in state taxes. Far from being purely an academic question, this argument is why South Carolina’s Governor Mark Sanford attempted to turn down federal stimulus monies for his state. We examine both the impact of federal grants on future state budgets and how federal and state grants affect future local government budgets. Our findings confirm that grants indeed result in future state and local tax increases of roughly 40 cents for every dollar in grant money received in prior years. 相似文献
947.
George Joffé 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(2):161-177
Europe's reactions to its recently-constituted Muslim communities reflect its implicit self-image of cultural homogeneity, despite a long tradition of cultural adaption. This, in turn, is a facet of the persistance of an Orientalist vision which stimulates its opposed mirror-image, Occidentalism or Orientalism-in-reverse, as those communities react with a sense of profound alienation. The two interact to generate the cultural and political confrontation that typifies inter-communal relations today, constructing a new inter-communal socio-political boundary that could harden into a permanent divide of mutual hostility. It is this, far more than globalised salafi-jihadism, that explains the political extremism confronting European states today. 相似文献
948.
George Kassimeris 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):288-310
Since 1975 Greece has been suffering a persistent assault of terrorism mainly at the hands of the 17 November, revolutionary communist group. The Greek state after two decades of bitter and bloody experience, has been unable to resolve the problem. The purpose of this article is to identify and examine the attitudes of Greek political elites towards the problem and the tactics and responses which they have utilized to combat it. Focusing on the major political parties, the study explores opinions and reactions to different manifestations of the problem of political violence. It also attempts to demonstrate that, although each party stands in principle against terrorism, the overall response of the Greek state has been uniquely lethargic, dilatory and unbalanced. Four conclusions emerge from this study: the inefficacy of legislation that treats terrorism like organized crime; the need for a thoroughgoing reform of the security services; the lack of a national strategy to combat all terrorist activity; and the necessity for Greek governments to put party politics aside, when dealing with terrorism. 相似文献
949.
George Kassimeris 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(2):74-92
From the mid‐1970s to the present, Greece has been suffering a systematic terrorist assault on her political and socieo‐economic institutions‐mainly at the hands of the 17 November and ELA, intransigent communist organizations. During these two decades, the Greek state has failed to make a correct diagnosis of the problem. This article traces the long history of terrorism during this period and enables the reader to understand how the phenomenon was allowed to grow so uncontrollably that it has now become a permenant feature of contemporary Greek political culture. The author concludes that the Greek terrorists will continue their violent campaign attacking the people and institutions they despise for several years to come‐at least until Greece's established political clas takes a clear‐cut stand and effective measures to oppose and resolve this seemingly intractable problem 相似文献
950.