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Reviewed by George Michael 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):475-477
ABSTRACTPrevious research has argued that political inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of both nonviolent and violent protest. In this study, I focus on civil resistance campaigns and argue that the probability that these large-scale, organized movements will take violent over nonviolent forms increases with the share of a country’s population that is excluded from political power on the basis of ethnic affiliation. I expect this to be so because ethnically exclusive regimes are more likely to counter political demands with violent repression, which increases the cost and decreases the anticipated success of nonviolent relative to violent resistance. I test this proposition in a global sample of countries for the period 1950–2006 and find, first, that high levels of ethnic exclusion make civil resistance campaigns more likely to occur violently than nonviolently. Next, to assess the mechanism at play, I conduct a mediation analysis and show that almost half of the effect of ethnic exclusion on violent campaign onset is mediated by the latent level of violent repression in a country. This result suggests that political authorities’ repressive strategies are key to explaining why regime opponents do not always opt for nonviolent forms of civil resistance. 相似文献
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George Perkovich 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):413-425
On Security issues, India and Pakistan remain caught in a zero‐sum game. Yet elites in both states recognize the imperative to avoid increased conflict and are much more focused on internal problems than is appreciated in the U.S. The impending treaty to ban nuclear weapons testing, and reported Indian preparations to conduct a test, have brought both states closer to key decisions regarding their nuclear programs. Some Indians argue that India must now conduct a series of tests and openly seek a sophisticated nuclear arsenal, while others urge adherence to the test ban and concentration on economic development as the key to power and security. Both Indians and Pakistanis see U.S. policy as unhelpful in the region, though for opposite reasons. 相似文献
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Abstract This article describes the foundation and development of a theoretical framework for the online consumer response process. It is based on theoretical criteria for web-based commercial communication and the online consumer response process. Central to this article is the development of the concept of web-based commercial communication. This includes all advertising, marketing communication, public relations and promotional messages on the World Wide Web which are intended to move the consumer through certain response phases to the point of purchasing or proceeding to any other type of action; the identification of the marketing communication paradigm shift from offline to online; and the comparison between online and traditional mass media audience characteristics. A theoretical conceptualisation of the online consumer response process is undertaken and an analysis of consumer response models and the theory of the general consumer response process is performed. This article is a theoretical exploration of the phenomenon of ‘online consumer response’ and the proposed theoretical framework is intended to address the dearth of literature on the topic. 相似文献
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George Angelopulo 《Communicatio》2013,39(3):209-222
AbstractThe concept ‘connectivity’ is most widely used in communication technology, referring to the linkage between electronics, computers, computer systems and the people who use them, but it is also a heuristic concept with great utility in the broader discipline of Communication and beyond. This article traces the concept from its theoretical origins in information science to the core position that it holds in all traditions of the Communication discipline. It assesses the physiological, psychological and sociological dimensions of connectivity and considers the application of the concept as an instrument for understanding and resolving the problems, issues and opportunities of the world around us. The article ends with some insights into the practical utility of the concept in the spheres of social and institutional development, productivity, performance and the generation of competitive advantage. 相似文献
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George Claassen 《Communicatio》2013,39(3):351-366
Abstract The public understanding of science is vital in any society, to counter pseudoscientific claims and quackery. The relationship between scientists and the media (the latter often the only channel through which scientific findings reach the public) was studied within a South African framework. An empirical survey was conducted by means of a comprehensive questionnaire sent to 740 South African scientists and researchers and 360 journalists. Because the media are important in the public understanding of science, the survey tried to establish the depth of and possible reasons for distrust between the two professions and what structures could be put in place to overcome this. This study found some significant differences in the views of scientists and journalists about the role of science in society, how it could be communicated to the public, and the reasons for this dichotomy. Finally, proposals to bridge the gap between scientists and the media are made: the media should give serious attention to raise the standards of science reporting by establishing science desks headed by properly trained science editors and well-trained science reporters. On the other hand, scientists should be trained to communicate better with the media and, therefore, the public. 相似文献
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George Philip 《Democratization》2013,20(4):74-92
This discussion considers why democracy has not so far led to the creation of impartial, honest and effective state institutions in Mexico, Venezuela and Peru. The explanation offered is essentially historical‐institutional. Non‐impartial (that is, biased) types of governance have a tendency to reproduce themselves over time due to the advantages that they offer to the powerful. However this observation, while true, does not explain why democracy has not done more to bring about the rule of law. The research focuses on Mexico, Peru and Venezuela because these are all cases in which democracy has failed spectacularly to discipline political competition within a framework of law. The Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party maintains significant popular support despite conclusive evidence of previous ballot rigging, and continuing evidence of large‐scale corruption. Peru's Fujimori was re‐elected as president in 1995 despite previously using force to close the national Congress. Venezuela's Chavez convincingly won presidential elections in 1998, only six years after leading a coup attempt against an elected government. 相似文献