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排序方式: 共有1073条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Gerald Cromer 《政治交往》2013,30(3):179-190
Previous research has indicated that juvenile delinquents tend to highlight their dismal pasts and portray themselves as the victims of circumstances in order to elicit favorable responses from the various agents of social control. However, the present study, based on the life‐histories of two groups of Israeli delinquents, suggests that they sometimes engage in this particular kind of retrospective interpretation in order to bring about changes of a much more far‐reaching nature. Not only is it aimed at influencing the decision as to the appropriate agents of social contact; it also constitutes part of a wider struggle for political and cultural legitimacy. 相似文献
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Gerald J. Bayens Michael W. Manske John Ortiz Smykla 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1998,22(2):189-206
In spite of a growing body of literature on the attitudes of the public and selected groups toward crime and punishment, including
communitybased corrections, intermediate sanctions, and intensive probation, very little is known about the attitudes of criminal
justice workgroups toward intensive supervised probation. Understanding reactions to ISP by criminal justice workgroups is
a requisite first step toward overcoming any obstacles or resistance to successful program implementation. This research reports
on a survey of criminal justice workgroup attitudes toward ISP in Wyandotte County, Kansas. 相似文献
107.
Keith A. Hamilton Thomas G. Otte Gerald Studdert-Kennedy Geoffrey Warner Anne Deighton 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》1994,5(2):401-417
M.B. Hayne, The French Foreign Office and the Origins of the First World War 1898-1914 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993) £35. ISBN 019-820270-9.
Keith Hamilton, Bertie of Thame: Edwardian Ambassador (Woodbridge/Suffolk: Boydell Press 1990 (= Royal Historical Society Studies in History, No. 60)), ix + 436 pp. ISBN 0-86193-217X. £35.
Anita Inder Singh, The Limits of British Influence: South Asia and the Anglo-American Relationship, 1947-56 (Pinter, 1993) pp. 309. £45.
Robert H. Ferrell (ed.), Truman in the White House: The Diary of Eben A. Ayers (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991) $37.50. ISBN 0-8262-0790-1.
Robert Pearce (ed.), Patrick Gordon Walker: Political Diaries 1932-1971 (London: The Historians Press, 1991) £20. ISBN 1-872273-05 X.
Richard J. Aldrich (ed.), British Strategy and the Cold War, 1945-51 (London: Routledge, 1992) £40. ISBN 0-415-07851-2.
Timothy Garton Ash, In Europe's Name. Germany and the Divided Continent (London: Jonathan Cape, 1993) £25. ISBN 0-224-02054-4. 相似文献
Keith Hamilton, Bertie of Thame: Edwardian Ambassador (Woodbridge/Suffolk: Boydell Press 1990 (= Royal Historical Society Studies in History, No. 60)), ix + 436 pp. ISBN 0-86193-217X. £35.
Anita Inder Singh, The Limits of British Influence: South Asia and the Anglo-American Relationship, 1947-56 (Pinter, 1993) pp. 309. £45.
Robert H. Ferrell (ed.), Truman in the White House: The Diary of Eben A. Ayers (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991) $37.50. ISBN 0-8262-0790-1.
Robert Pearce (ed.), Patrick Gordon Walker: Political Diaries 1932-1971 (London: The Historians Press, 1991) £20. ISBN 1-872273-05 X.
Richard J. Aldrich (ed.), British Strategy and the Cold War, 1945-51 (London: Routledge, 1992) £40. ISBN 0-415-07851-2.
Timothy Garton Ash, In Europe's Name. Germany and the Divided Continent (London: Jonathan Cape, 1993) £25. ISBN 0-224-02054-4. 相似文献
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Benjamin Smith 《American journal of political science》2004,48(2):232-246
This article examines contrasting claims made by scholars of oil and politics that oil wealth either tends (1) to undermine regime durability or (2) to enhance it. Using cross-sectional time-series data from 107 developing states between 1960 and 1999, I test the effects of oil wealth on regime failure, political protests, and civil war. I find that oil wealth is robustly associated with increased regime durability, even when controlling for repression, and with lower likelihoods of civil war and antistate protest. I also find that neither the boom nor bust periods exerted any significant effect on regime durability in the states most dependent on exports, even while those states saw more protests during the bust. In short, oil wealth has generally increased the durability of regimes, and repression does not account for this effect. Future research focused on the origins of robust coalitions in oil-rich states is most likely to provide fruitful explanations to this puzzle . 相似文献