Detection of cannabinoids in homicide victims and motor vehicle fatalities

A gas chromatographic/mass spectrometric (GC/MS) procedure is described for the detection and measurement of delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol, 11-hydroxy-delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol, and 11-nor-delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol-9-carboxylic acid in blood, or 11-nor-delta 9-tetrahydrocannabinol-9-carboxylic acid in urine. About 50% of all homicide victims and motor vehicle drivers killed in Bexar County in 1985 were tested for the presence of cannabinoids. Of 130 homicides and 69 drivers tested, blood was analyzed primarily in all but 15 and 3 cases, respectively. In these latter cases, blood analyzed after urine was found to be positive. Of the homicide victims, 44 (34%), and of all drivers, 19 (28%), tested were positive for one or more of the cannabinoids. As a separate group, 16 motorcycle drivers tested had 38% positive as compared with 25% of the other vehicle drivers. Ethyl alcohol was present in 55% of the drivers, and in 63% of the homicide victims. Drugs other than alcohol or cannabinoids were found in 10% of the drivers, and in 12% of the homicide victims.     

Capacity for Self-Control and Individuals' Interest in Exercising Self-Control

We identify and elaborate a conceptual distinction between capability for self-control and the desire to exercise it, and employ data from a city survey to explore the empirical viability of such a differentiation. Separate scales measuring ability and desire to exercise self-control both prove to be significant and moderately strong predictors of several measures of criminal/deviant behavior, showing independent, cumulative, and interactive relationships with each other. For some measures of crime/deviance, self-control capability is most effective when the individual's interest in exercising self-control is low but its effect is greatly reduced or eliminated when desire to exercise self-control desire is high. Combinations of capability for self-control and interest in exercising it prove to be particularly good predictors of the absolute level of misbehavior.     

The Pegida Movement and German Political Culture: Is Right‐Wing Populism Here to Stay?

This article outlines the rise and fall of the ‘Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the West’ (Pegida), a right‐wing populist street movement that originated in the city of Dresden in October 2014 and peaked in January 2015. The Pegida movement combined fear of ‘Islamisation’ with general criticism of Germany's political class and the mainstream media. This ambivalent and largely undefined political profile proved its strength in mobilising a significant minority of right‐wing citizens in the local context of Dresden and the federal state of Saxony, but generally failed to spill over to other parts of Germany. The social profile of the Pegida movement, which included ‘ordinary citizens’ with centre‐right to far‐right attitudes, points to significant overlap between general disenchantment of the political centre ground in Germany with the political system, as outlined in recent sociological research, and the ability of a largely leaderless populism to mobilise in the streets.