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991.
Dirk van Zyl Smit 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2006,12(2):107-120
This paper focuses on the continued significance of human rights in the movement to develop a more comprehensive European
framework to improve prison conditions. It identifies the immediate factors that underlie the movement as the successful implementation
of the European Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment and Punishment; the growing number
of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights applying the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms to prison matters; the expansion of the number of member states of the Council of Europe; and the increased
political interest at European level in penological matters. Attention is also paid to the wider ideological role that a concern
for human rights plays in European criminal justice politics. The paper illustrates the reform movement by focussing on recent
recommendations of the Council of Europe on various aspects of imprisonment, including the new European Prison Rules. The
possible emergence of an international instrument of treaty status that would deal directly with substantive conditions of
imprisonment is noted and its potential impact considered. An argument is made for the systemisation of European prison law
and for further reform initiatives. 相似文献
992.
Gijs van Oenen 《Citizenship Studies》2002,6(2):109-125
How is the citizen 'turned on'? That is, how does one 'switch' from being a private person to being a citizen? This article investigates how several prominent models of politics and citizenship account for this switch. In particular, the role of (cultural) identity in performing the 'switch' is highlighted. In the 'standard' liberal model, the switch from private to public is considered an unproblematic 'mind switch'. In the communitarian model, on the contrary, it is considered impossible: the good citizen must be a good person. In the republican model, identity 'restrictions' can be overcome by actively participating in the context of a culture of democratic deliberation. In the liberal multicultural model, cultural identity counts explicitly, although as a handicap, to be overcome by the support of cultural rights. In the model of identity politics, finally, identity counts positively, as an asset. Although identity thus empowers 'switching', its 'transformative' dimension has unpredictable and often unsettling effects, due to unacknowledged elements in the demand for recognition of identity in politics. Throughout the article, the vicissitudes of 'switching' are illuminated by an analysis of the Clinton-Lewinsky case, showing how president Clinton's 'sexualized identity' affected his ability to switch from private to public affairs--for better or for worse. 相似文献
993.
994.
Rinus van Klinken 《Development in Practice》2003,13(1):71-82
Decentralisation is a policy feature common to many African countries. Local governance is therefore gaining in relevance, though not yet in clarity. Based on the experience of a development project in Kilimanjaro, Tanzania, the article examines the case of local governance in practice, grounding this in a historical analysis and focusing on the relationship between local government and civil society. Through a phased process from experimentation through piloting to lobbying, the PAMOJA project develops interface mechanisms to structure local government-civil society relations at the district level. Three actors are identified for the success of the project: the external agent as process facilitator, local champions as change agents, and strategic partners for the lobby component. A successful outcome would ultimately strengthen decentralisation processes. 相似文献
995.
Philippe van Amersfoort 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(3):395-402
The concept of “civil society” is still the subject of thorough academic research. It emerged, in Europe, in the 18th century
and implied a culture of civility which, while emphasising autonomy from established institutions, also emphasised the freedom
to associate and a commitment to common good beyond particular interests. A modern definition of the concept makes civil society
the sum of “Organisations which are self-governing and constitutionally independent of the State or political parties; do
not involve the distribution of profits to shareholders; and benefit to a significant degree from voluntarism”. The emergence
of civil society has followed different historical patterns in different EU Member States, and European State institutions
have had different ways to accommodate the emergence of civil society and its aspiration to influence policy-making. From
the 18th to the early 20th century, civil society associations and networks mostly emerged and operated within local of national
frameworks. It is in the second half of the 20th century that the development of civil society acquired a trans-national dimension.
The emergence of a truly trans-national civil society in Europe is a rather recent phenomenon which is increasingly taken
into consideration in the formulation of policy by the European Union institutions. The EU foreign policy also aims at strengthening
civil society in third countries (including Asia) to achieve its objectives, notably in the field of human rights and democratisation. 相似文献
996.
997.
This article points to a largely neglected theme in the maritime history: the important role of sailors' families in urban seafaring communities during the Early Modern Period. At the end of the seventeenth century and during the first decades of the eighteenth century, about 20% of the crewmembers of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) were married. Accordingly, in the towns in Holland where the VOC was present, many women had to run a household by themselves for a long period of time. The sailors' families were often confronted by emotional and financial distress, which to some extent affected the financial expenses of VOC towns as well. Many of these families were however able to cope because they received material support from various urban institutions. The Company created a system that encouraged sailors to send their money home during voyages, while urban poor relief often temporarily complemented the family's budget. Contrary to other married women, wives of sailors could obtain the legal power to engage in financial transactions, or to have access to inheritances. Town councils, civil courts, church councils, charity institutions and the East India Company were all willing to help the seamen's families. Their motives were twofold: while urban communities benefited from financially stable families, and the VOC compensated for their low pay by offering their employees fringe benefits, the attitudes towards seamen's wives also indicate that the urban elites genuinely wanted to provide some assistance to these needy families. 相似文献
998.
Karel van Wolferen 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2003,16(1):49-58
Karel van Wolferen argues that, since Japan's political economy was the main factor in creating the circumstances that led up to the East Asian financial crisis, studies must focus on it to understand this event. The Japanese economy, which is here described as a war economy operating in peacetime, provided the model for East Asia's 'tiger economies' that imitated the Japanese government in its targeting of sectors for investment, especially the construction industry in the 1980s. These other East Asian economies proved more vulnerable to crisis than the Japanese economy because they were more open to foreign investment and did not have Japan's closely knit economic and financial networks and institutions. After presenting this preface to the crisis, van Wolferen then criticizes the current East Asian economic situation, in which international institutions continue to force the Western ideals of transparency and deregulation on most of the East Asian economies while permitting Japan to remain the least transparent economy of the entire region. 相似文献
999.
Richard M. Walker Yanto Chandra Jiasheng Zhang Arjen van Witteloostuijn 《Public administration review》2019,79(6):931-937
The possible existence of a research‐practice gap is the topic of a long‐standing debate in the field of public administration. In this Viewpoint essay, the authors examine the agendas of scholars and practitioners using the topic modeling technique of computational social science. Topic modeling a content analysis of 35 topics identified in Public Administration Review and PA Times (3,796 articles) showed that just over 50 percent of topics were common to both groups, indicating shared interests. There were, however, topics that the two groups distinctly focused on. Moreover, scholars and practitioners attached significant differences to the weights allocated to the prominent topics in their writing. Taken together, these findings indicate that topic modeling can shed new light on the research‐practice gap in public administration. 相似文献
1000.
Janis van der Westhuizen 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2016,54(2):232-251
Exploring the complexity of South Africa's and Brazil's ‘like-mindedness’ at the regional, multilateral, and bilateral levels, this article argues that shared middle power roles traceable to the pre-Cold War era and beyond set the scene for a great deal of political complementarity and cooperation at the multilateral level where Brazil and South Africa's shared identities drive an interest in reforming global governance processes. This complementarity does not, however, always spill over to the bilateral level, where trans-societal linkages are still relatively limited compared with state-to-state interactions. 相似文献