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Direct mail has become one of the orthodox stage properties of America's campaigns, and its successes include the transformation of Republican contributors from a rich coterie to a broad base of donors. But while its role is acknowledged, it has not been fully explained: rather, the mail is treated as a magical if somewhat erratic panacea.This article attempts to remedy that deficiency. Direct mail succeeds because unlike other media it can deliver a specialized message to distinctive groups, made personal through the agency of new technology and therefore engendering unique loyalties. The mail represents activism for the inactive, bringing political expression and influence to an alienated provincial conservatism, and it works by the diligent discovery of names and personal details of prospective supporters. But success is not inevitable. When time is short, or where obscure local candidates solicit national support, direct mail will give its employers disappointing results.  相似文献   
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This paper focuses on prosocial and altruistic behavior in late life. Empirical data on prevalence of helping behaviors among the elderly and the range of motives underlying their helping are reviewed. The authors consider implications of these data for theories of social behavior in late life. Questions are raised regarding the universal applicability of models of social behavior which have been implicit in much of existing research in social gerontology. Data on helping by the elderly are related to dependency and autonomy models of social interaction. Futhermore, the potential for altruistic as opposed to extrinsic motivations for helping among older adults is considered, challenging the exclusive reliance on exchange principles for understanding social interactions by older persons. Empirical evidence of prosocial behavior in late life is placed in the context of life-span developmental theories of personality and a contributory model of late life social behavior is proposed.  相似文献   
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Organised Informality and Suitcase Trading in the Pearl River Delta Region   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
ABSTRACT

Suitcase trade is a common activity along state borders in Asia. Existing scholarship has often viewed such suitcase trade as locally embedded activities characterised by informality. This article contends that this perception underestimates the diversity and complexity of suitcase trade. This is illustrated with a case study of the Pearl River Delta region of southern China, where thousands of suitcase traders carry goods across the borders between mainland China and its two Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macao. Several patterns of operation run in parallel, ranging from petty traders working alone to highly-organised group operators. While each individual transaction is small scale and based on informal networks, the entire chain of operations is run by syndicates that are highly organised, commercial, with well-defined divisions of labour, and on a large scale. We describe such a combination of organisational competence and informal networks as “organised informality.” The concept allows us to expand the analytical horizon to cover those cross-border exchanges that incorporate modern commercial practices in otherwise non-formal settings. It also bridges the oft-criticised dichotomies of formal-informal and licit-illicit.  相似文献   
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Donna Haraway, Primate Visions: Gender, Race, and Nature in the World of Modern Science (Routledge, 1989), £40 hardback.

Mary Jacobus, Evelyn Fox Keller, Sally Shuttleworth (eds), Body/Politics: Women and the Discourses of Science (Routledge, 1990), £35.00.

Ludmilla Jordanova, Sexual Visions: Images of Gender in Science and Medicine between the Eighteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989), £21.25 hardback, £12.95 paperback

Londa Schiebinger, The Mind Has No Sex? Women in the Origins of Modem Science (Harvard University Press, 1989), £23.50.  相似文献   
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Coalitions of organizations are cooperative arrangements that require ongoing management of conflicts among members and potential members. Using data on both successful and unsuccessful attempts at coalition building during the 1999 protests against the WTO in Seattle, we explain the variation in the formation of one type of coalition of organizations, the 'event coalition', in which social movement organizations coalesce around a specific protest event. We find that objectively common organizational interests and framing are necessary but not sufficient for explaining coalition partnering. Organizational representatives must also calculate a benefit from pooled resources and be able to commit credibly to delivering promised resources and to resolving the inevitable tensions that arise among coalition partners.  相似文献   
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