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191.
192.
郎佩娟 《北京行政学院学报》2003,2(6):50-54
执法制度的重理是我国改善执法状况、提高执法水平的需要,也是我国加入WT0后政府行为适应调整的需要。根据目前我国执法中存在的问题,我国执法制度的重理主要涉及执法形式重理、执法组织重理、国家公务员管理重理、执法方式重理、执法程序重理等。 相似文献
193.
解析东亚福利模式之谜——父系扩展家庭在儿童保护中的作用 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
在中国的郴州农村,父系家庭和扩展家庭在孤儿养护中发挥了主导作用,在家庭的范围内分散风险,由家庭和扩展家庭承担福利服务的成本,对家族成员提供照料,并且用极少的代价进行再分配,有效地减少了国家必须的福利支出,同时儿童得到了有效的保护,但是,家庭保护制度本身已经负荷过重。在儿童抚养成本中现金支出日益增加的情况下,农村家庭对孤儿的保护功能日益削弱。由于国家和社区作用缺位,这个群体中的贫困发生率很高。这项研究还发现传统父系扩展家庭在承担了对孤儿进行经济支持的同时,排斥了母亲对儿童的照料。 相似文献
194.
Andrew T. F. Lang 《The Modern law review》2007,70(4):523-549
Since the creation of the World Trade Organisation, the international trading system has lived through a decade of sustained and vocal public criticism. International trade lawyers have made significant efforts to engage, evaluate and respond to these critiques. This article assesses the adequacy of these responses, focusing on the so-called 'trade and' debate – or 'trade linkage' debate – in international trade law. While this debate has produced valuable insights, it tends to legitimate and reproduce precisely those aspects of the trade regime which it purports to contest. Drawing on the insights of economic history, an alternative mode of scholarship is proposed – at once historical, critical, constructivist and institutionalist – to augment the current literature in the 'trade and' debate. Concrete lines of enquiry are proposed which, if followed, would help international trade lawyers to respond more productively and with greater legitimacy to contemporary public critiques of the international trading order. 相似文献
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采用RT-PCR方法扩增兔出血症病毒(RHDV)Yaan株衣壳蛋白VP60基因,将扩增片段克隆到pMD 18-T载体上,经酶切及PCR鉴定后测序。结果显示,VP60基因全长1 740 bp,编码579个氨基酸。将Yaan株与其他RHDV分离株进行比较,结果显示,核苷酸同源性为90.5%~97.5%,氨基酸同源性为94.3%~99.5%,氨基酸变异多发生在衣壳蛋白C、E区,表明毒株具有高度保守性;同时对Yaan株与国外标准株AST/89的VP60蛋白氨基酸变异及其亲水性、柔性区、抗原区和表面结构进行了比较分析。 相似文献
198.
Rozanne Engel 《Communicatio》2018,44(1):16-33
The role and representation of female filmmakers globally have been topics of discussion but have not been researched in depth to help garner significant change, especially in the South African film industry. The role of film festivals like the Durban International Film Festival (DIFF) and Encounters help female filmmakers by giving them the platform to showcase their work as well as gain more recognition. However, the number of female filmmakers, and black female filmmakers in particular, are not recognised substantially at these festivals. South African box office reports also indicate that the film industry is dominated by white male directors and that not enough films are produced locally to meet up with the amount of international films that are screened at local cinemas, which is further indication that a gender and race discrepancy is prevalent. There is also the issue of female filmmakers being limited in the fiction film genre and as a result the film industry in South Africa and globally have more female filmmakers making non-fiction films than fiction films. This article will explore the issue of gender and race in the South African film industry, by focusing on the two biggest film festivals: DIFF and Encounters. 相似文献
199.
The European Union member states split over the military intervention in Libya with France, Germany and the UK voting differently in the United Nations Security Council. This article compares news media in France and Germany to better understand the foreign policy decisions of these key actors. Using a newspaper analysis of 334 articles, it shows that the German domestic debate started very late and was much less stable than the French debate. This supports arguments that Germany's decision-making was erratic. The analysis, however, also shows that the German debate was comprehensive and included an extensive discussion of the legitimacy of intervention. This fits in well with the traditional reluctance of German foreign policy elites to support military action. 相似文献
200.
Gladys Mitchell 《拉美政治与社会》2009,51(3):111-142
Racial politics in Brazil have changed dramatically: the nation-state that once denied racism now enacts racial policies for Afro-Brazilians. The discourse of race has also changed: it is now common for the media to discuss Afro-Brazilians as a voting bloc. Using qualitative methods, this article tests the hypothesis that Afro-Brazilian politicians seek a racial vote from the Afro-Brazilian electorate. Analyzing campaign advertisements from select candidates in Salvador and São Paulo, this study finds that most Afro-Brazilian politicians use racial cues, and interviews show that most Afro-Brazilian politicians address racial issues during their campaigns. Not all of them seek racial votes, however: at the federal level, Afro-Brazilian politicians believe that this strategy would not get them elected. Many use campaigns nevertheless to raise racial consciousness among the electorate. 相似文献