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211.
John Glenn 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2012,25(1):75-95
Although Justin Rosenberg's academic writings have from the very beginning attempted to provide an alternative to neorealism in the form of Trotsky's theory of uneven and combined development (U&CD), his attempts at actually replacing it with a general theory of his own have been relatively recent. His initial attempts raised much interest and several responses. In his latest paper, ‘Basic problems in the theory of uneven and combined development, part II: unevenness and political multiplicity’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23:1, 2010, 165–189), Rosenberg acknowledges that in actual fact, despite his attempts to provide an alternative to neorealism, his own theory presupposed political multiplicity, and therefore in his latest article he has sought to rectify this by providing an account of the emergence of ‘politically fragmented space’ which is explicitly grounded in historical materialism (Pozo-Martin, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4, 2007, 554). As such, it is to be welcomed. However, this article argues that if we are to accept Rosenberg's theory of the emergence of multiplicity then it must provide a better explanation than other competing accounts. By using an alternative explanation of the rise of the international, this article demonstrates that Rosenberg's paper has failed to do this, and instead argues for the existence of a transhistorical anarchic environment arising from social rather than political multiplicity. However, U&CD is then used to explain both the intra- and inter-societal stratifications (the latter in terms of distributional structure) that arise. Associated with these stratifications is the inextricable intertwining of the modes of production and modes of inter-state competition. From this combination emerges the general tendencies of societal development, which then need to be applied to the concrete circumstances of history. In so doing, we need to account for the different analytical registers of genesis, structure, epoch and conjuncture and the unique concatenation of factors that pertain for each of these (Callinicos, International Politics, 6:3, 2005, 362). 相似文献
212.
Bullying, delinquency, and teen dating violence (TDV) victimization have been found to correlate with and potentially predict TDV perpetration. It has also been noted that boys and girls differ in their levels of TDV involvement, both as victims and perpetrators. The authors tested whether sex moderates the predictive effects of bullying perpetration, delinquency, and TDV victimization on TDV perpetration in 1,716 high school students (812 boys, 904 girls) from the Illinois Study of Bullying and Sexual Violence. Because sex was found to moderate the bullying perpetration?TDV perpetration and delinquency?TDV perpetration associations, male and female data were analyzed separately. TDV victimization predicted TDV perpetration in boys and delinquency predicted TDV perpetration in girls. Results varied moderately as a function of TDV subtype (relational, verbal, threatening, physical, and sexual). It would appear that TDV perpetration varies as a function of both sex and TDV subtype. Efforts to control, reduce, and eliminate TDV perpetration in boys may be most effective when they address prior TDV victimization and depression, whereas efforts to control and eliminate TDV perpetration in girls may be maximally effective when they target prior bullying perpetration and delinquency. 相似文献
213.
Purpose
This study was designed to investigate whether importation factors predict all forms of prison misconduct and recidivism or just the more serious forms.Methods
Six importation factors were examined: age, marital status, street gang affiliation, criminal thinking, prior drug abuse, and criminal history. Count data for two high severity infractions (assault, escape), two high-moderate severity infractions (fighting, possession of intoxicants), two moderate severity infractions (refusing programs, stealing), two high severity crimes (assault, robbery), and two moderate severity crimes (DUI, failure to appear) were regressed onto these six importation variables in samples of 2488 (prison infractions) and 1101 (recidivism) male inmates.Results
The importation variables successfully predicted the four infractions that were rated high and high-moderate in severity and the two crimes that were rated high severity but not the two infractions or two crimes that were rated as moderate in severity.Conclusions
These findings suggest that importation factors are differentially predictive of more serious forms of infraction and recidivism and that the importation model may have as much to offer the study of community adjustment and recidivism as it does the study of institutional adjustment and disciplinary infractions as part of the more general theoretical construct of criminal propensity. 相似文献214.
Glenn D. Walters Raymond A. Knight Jan Looman Jeffrey Abracen 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(3):379-393
ABSTRACTPrior taxometric research on child molesters and general sex offenders has produced inconsistent and contradictory results. There are theoretical, practical, and policy reasons, however, to assume that a psychopathy taxon may exist in sex offenders and that a taxometric study might shed light on this issue. The mean above minus below a cut (MAMBAC), maximum covariance (MAXCOV), and latent-mode factor analysis (L-Mode) taxometric procedures were employed in three overlapping samples: 188 sex offenders with non-relative child victims, 555 sex offenders with non-relative child or adolescent victims or child incest victims, and a mixed sample of 1404 sex offenders. The taxometric analyses revealed evidence of continuous latent structure in all three samples. These results suggest that psychopathy in sex offenders, child molesters in particular, is organised quantitatively (continuous) rather than qualitatively (categorical). 相似文献
215.
Glenn Patmore 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2012,58(2):251-267
In the 1990s political leaders debated a constitutional amendment that would make Australia a republic. That debate continues to the present day. Republicans believe that becoming a republic means having an Australian as head of state instead of the Queen. Constitutional Monarchists see no need for Australia to become a republic since Australia, they argue, is already an independent nation‐state. They contend that the head of state, the Governor‐General, is an Australian citizen and has been since 1965, and that the Queen of Australia is the Sovereign. The purpose of this article is to provide a republican response to recent arguments of two leading Constitutional Monarchist, Sir David Smith and Professor David Flint. 相似文献
216.
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218.
This article serves as an introduction to the articles in this special issue of the Journal of Human Rights on humanitarianism and responsibility. We thread the work of our contributors, along with other key scholars, together into a broader discussion about the possibilities and limitations of humanitarian responsibility. We first elaborate several constitutive dimensions of responsibility as it has been understood in humanitarian discourse, with particular attention to the way in which it has been deployed to both limit and extend the humanitarian mandate. We then consider how the discourse of humanitarian responsibility constitutes a departure from, and a possible alternative to, the discourse of human rights as the reigning lingua franca in which ethical arguments are advanced at the global level. Ultimately, we contend that while renewed emphasis on responsibility is no panacea for the difficult political and ethical questions that bedevil international humanitarianism and should not displace the focus on human rights, the process of critically engaging with this term may present a valuable opportunity to rethink the pursuit of global justice as a situated and contingent engagement between the self and those distant and proximate others who are exposed to catastrophes, natural and man-made. 相似文献
219.
220.
Glenn Kutler Author Vitae 《Orbis》2007,51(3):511-527
As year five begins, the prospects for a successful conclusion of the Iraq war - one that would repair the deep seated and deadly animosities throughout civil society, establish a foundation for a sustainable democratic government, and stop the inexorable climb of U.S. fatalities above 3,000 and of total casualties toward 30,000 and beyond - are remote. The U.S. is embroiled in a conflict in three dimensions, military political and civil, that defies solution. Our military and its leaders have tended to underestimate the enemy and engage it half-heartedly, while the insurgents have retained freedom of action and repeatedly seized the initiative. The fourth dimension, the battle for Iraqi hearts and minds, essential for bringing hostilities to an end, has not even begun. 相似文献