全文获取类型
收费全文 | 10755篇 |
免费 | 336篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 340篇 |
工人农民 | 511篇 |
世界政治 | 656篇 |
外交国际关系 | 340篇 |
法律 | 6766篇 |
中国共产党 | 34篇 |
中国政治 | 132篇 |
政治理论 | 2171篇 |
综合类 | 141篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 65篇 |
2020年 | 151篇 |
2019年 | 146篇 |
2018年 | 218篇 |
2017年 | 261篇 |
2016年 | 293篇 |
2015年 | 234篇 |
2014年 | 230篇 |
2013年 | 939篇 |
2012年 | 248篇 |
2011年 | 292篇 |
2010年 | 224篇 |
2009年 | 292篇 |
2008年 | 351篇 |
2007年 | 357篇 |
2006年 | 339篇 |
2005年 | 319篇 |
2004年 | 314篇 |
2003年 | 253篇 |
2002年 | 246篇 |
2001年 | 358篇 |
2000年 | 342篇 |
1999年 | 267篇 |
1998年 | 168篇 |
1997年 | 126篇 |
1996年 | 152篇 |
1995年 | 126篇 |
1994年 | 141篇 |
1993年 | 138篇 |
1992年 | 206篇 |
1991年 | 259篇 |
1990年 | 222篇 |
1989年 | 208篇 |
1988年 | 229篇 |
1987年 | 203篇 |
1986年 | 225篇 |
1985年 | 198篇 |
1984年 | 168篇 |
1983年 | 176篇 |
1982年 | 109篇 |
1981年 | 132篇 |
1980年 | 105篇 |
1979年 | 110篇 |
1978年 | 93篇 |
1977年 | 86篇 |
1976年 | 69篇 |
1975年 | 65篇 |
1974年 | 70篇 |
1973年 | 81篇 |
1971年 | 54篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
261.
262.
263.
264.
265.
266.
Along with a number of other researchers, Patrick Seyd and Paul Whiteley have consistently argued that constituency campaigning in Britain influences constituency election outcomes. In recent work, however, they have denied that the major efforts made by the Labour Party’s national headquarters to target resources and expertise into key seats in the 1997 general election was effective and that, as a consequence, the party had better results in these seats than elsewhere. Using various measures of campaign intensity, however, it is clear that target constituencies did have significantly stronger Labour campaigns than comparable constituencies that were not nationally targeted. Multivariate analysis also suggests that Labour’s performance in targeted seats was better than in comparable seats. 相似文献
267.
Donald L. Horowitz 《Public Choice》2004,121(3-4):507-517
The alternative vote (AV) is a preferential electoral system that tends to reward political moderation and compromise. Fraenkel and Grofman have modeled the likely effects of AV in severely divided societies, in order to impugn AV as a tool of interethnic accommodation. In this response, I show that Fraenkel and Grofman’s model is based on extreme assumptions that bear no relation to party and voter behavior in such societies. Models based on realistic assumptions about strategic behavior and cross-national experience with AV both demonstrate that AV generally provides centripetal incentives that can contribute to interethnic coalition-building and accommodation. 相似文献
268.
Tinpots,Totalitarians (and Democrats): An Empirical Investigation of the Effects of Economic Growth on Civil Liberties and Political Rights 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Ronald Wintrobe (1990, 1998) has recently provided atheoretical foundation for estimating equations that attemptto explain the dependence of civil liberties and politicalrights in non-democratic regimes on the history of economicgrowth. This theory suggests that data from different kinds ofnon-democratic countries should not be pooled without allowingcoefficients to vary with regime type. It also placesinteresting restrictions on the signs of the coefficients ofeconomic growth in equations explaining freedom in the typesof regimes Wintrobe identifies. In this paper, we employ theserestrictions to test Wintrobe's theory. Some additionalhypotheses about the difference between democratic andnon-democratic regimes and about the role of education, notconsidered by Wintrobe, are also investigated.The results indicate clearly that the relationship between thedegree of freedom – as measured by the sum of the Gastilindexes of civil liberties and political rights – andeconomic growth varies significantly across all types ofregimes. Totalitarians (that attempt to maximize power) areclearly different than tinpots (that just attempt to maintainpower) in this respect, and non-democratic regimes differ fromdemocracies. Other aspects of the theory are partiallyconfirmed. In particular, in totalitarian regimes, positivegrowth reduces freedom, and negative growth increases it insome specifications. The theory predicts the opposite patternfor tinpots, and we do find that negative growth reducesfreedom in tinpot regimes. However, positive growth in tinpotsalso appears to reduce freedom in some cases, which is not inaccord with the theory. Secondary schooling has a positive effect on freedom, as inprevious empirical work, a result that is shown here to holdeven when each type of regime is considered separately. Butthe effect of primary schooling is different: in tinpot andtotalitarian regimes, but not in democracies, primaryschooling is associated with reduced freedom. 相似文献
269.
270.
It is well known that African Americans and whites hold different views of the police, but nearly all of the previous research has been conducted in majority white settings. This research examines the relationship between race and evaluations of the police in majority black versus majority white contexts. Social dominance theory and the research on racial threat predict that when the racial majority changes, the relationship between race and attitudes toward police will change. We find that, in majority black contexts, the traditional relationship between being black and having negative evaluations of the police disappears, and it disappears because whites' evaluations of the police become more negative. Black evaluations of the police are relatively consistent across racial contexts. Also, white racial attitudes affect police evaluations in majority black contexts, but not in white contexts, while African American racial attitudes are inconsequential in both contexts. Furthermore, if a white citizen is victimized by crime in a black city, it has greater ramifications for evaluations of the police than if the victimization had occurred in a white city. All of this suggests that whites' views of the police may be more racialized than the views of African Americans. 相似文献