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901.
Prior surveys have sought to gauge American public opinion toward shale gas development. Research on environmental hazards has produced conflicting findings related to the role of proximity in predicting attitudes. This study analyzes how perceived and actual proximity to active shale gas development in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Texas predicts individual preferences for moratoria. We implement a conditionally parametric probit, which accounts for geographic variation in coefficient values. Our results suggest that attitudes toward the potential benefits and risks associated with shale gas development play a larger and more consistent role in predicting preference for moratoria than proximity or other sociodemographic factors. Our methodology allows for inferences related to the extent of geographic variation in coefficient values. Our results indicate that the role of proximity in predicting preference for moratoria differs based on whether a respondent resides in an urban or rural area or within a shale play. 相似文献
902.
When donors contemplate providing financial support to United Nations institutions they encounter a menu of funding options. Some UN institutions require mandatory dues, but most rely substantially on voluntary contributions, which donors can choose to earmark for specific purposes. How donors provide resources has widespread effects on the authority of UN governing bodies, donor control over UN programs, and the efficiency of UN operations. What explains how donors choose to fund UN programs and agencies? We advance a theory that emphasizes member state preferences over the affordability and policy substance of IO activity. Using data from two novel experiments and a case study of U.S. funding practices toward the United Nations (1945–1980s), we provide mixed-method evidence showing that a state is more likely to provide voluntary contributions when its preferences over the affordability and policy of IO activity differ from those of the governing coalition and more likely to provide mandatory contributions when its preferences are consistent with those of the governing coalition. Further, we demonstrate that preferences over policy substance are particularly important in explaining recent trends in donor earmarking. 相似文献
903.
This article explores what happened when two people personally affected by a 1999 homicide participated in an online forum in which the homicide was being discussed. The two individuals in question were the younger brother of the victim and the elder brother of the man convicted of her murder. The case had been the subject of a 12-part audio podcast called Serial. An online forum—the Serial Subreddit—had been set up independently of the podcast and its producers as a space for listeners to discuss their views on the case. We analyzed the contributions of the two aforementioned individuals and the responses they received. We argue that new media spaces like the Serial Subreddit break down the traditional barriers between those personally affected by homicide and consumers of mediated representations of homicide. As such, they raise important questions for criminologists. 相似文献
904.
The European Union (EU) and Australia have embarked officially on a free trade agreement (FTA) negotiation process, a procedure expected to last no less than 5 years. Public pronouncements from both sides which announced the beginning of the process of negotiating an FTA marked a significant departure from the well-known tensions and difficulties which date back to the late 1950s. British entry into the then European Economic Community in 1973 meant that it had to align its trade policies with the much contested European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). This had been implemented in the late 1960s and provided limitless reasons for antagonism between Australia and the EU. Yet, over time, the trade agenda changed for both sides with new actors and new agreements, and some of the previous machinery no longer providing the liberalisation of trade as intended. Both the EU and Australia have moved on—some of this change due to new political actors and new economic realities. Despite the tortured history between them, and mindful that some might be sceptical about this change of heart, real politik often imposes its own political will and the new needs may well be in sharp contrast to the past relationships. The prospect of an FTA shows how the trappings of history might be side stepped by a stronger, almost opportunistic, sense of economic benefits however small they might appear. 相似文献
905.
Kalpana Wilson 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2018,119(1):89-105
This article addresses India’s contemporary population control policies and practices as a form of gender violence perpetrated by the state and transnational actors against poor, Adivasi and Dalit women. It argues that rather than meeting the needs and demands of these women for access to safe contraception that they can control, the Indian state has targeted them for coercive mass sterilisations and unsafe injectable contraceptives. This is made possible by the long-term construction of particular women’s lives as devalued and disposable, and of their bodies as excessively fertile and therefore inimical to development and progress. It further considers how population policy is currently embedded in the neoliberal framework of development being pursued by the Indian state. In particular, it argues that the violence of population policies is being deepened as a result of three central and interrelated aspects of this framework: corporate dispossession and displacement, the intensification and extension of women’s labour for global capital, and the discourses and embodied practices of far-right Hindu supremacism. At the same time, India’s population policies cannot be understood in isolation from the global population control establishment, which is increasingly corporate-led, and from broader structures of racialised global capital accumulation. The violence of India’s contemporary population policies and the practices they produce operate at several different scales, all of which involve the construction of certain bodies as unfit to reproduce and requiring intervention and control. 相似文献
906.
Graham Sansom 《Local Government Studies》2016,42(6):1047-1059
Recent moves for local government reform in several states of Australia have focused in part on a perceived need for more effective civic leadership, and in particular the role of mayors. Proposed legislation in New South Wales and Victoria would expand the responsibilities of mayors in several areas, such as community engagement, partnerships with key stakeholders, strategic planning and providing guidance to the chief executive officer. In 2012 the Australian Centre of Excellence for Local Government (ACELG) published a discussion paper that canvassed these issues as well as the way in which mayors are elected. That paper elicited a strongly adverse critique by Grant, Dollery and Kortt, now published as an article in this issue of Local Government Studies. Regrettably their critique failed to offer a constructive contribution to the debate sought by ACELG, and the article contains a number of significant errors and misleading statements that demand a response. 相似文献
907.
This article is a reflection on an evaluation of multisystemic therapy services in Aotearoa New Zealand, established to treat young people aged 12–16, for alcohol and drug misuse and to decrease unwanted or “antisocial” behaviors. The therapy engaged parents/caregivers in a systems approach and did not require the young person to be directly engaged. This raised three issues. First, because the young people were not active participants, the services missed the opportunity to help the young people develop skills of self management. Second, this lack of engagement created a missed opportunity to engage the young person to re-establish or reconnect relationships that had been harmed. Finally, we reflect on the cultural fit of the service with Māori values. These issues raise a number of questions about the aims of service provision with young people and the assumptions that underpin particular types of service. 相似文献
908.
The election of the Howard Government has marked a paradigm shift in welfare policy with the implementation of far reaching reforms around the concept of mutual obligation. At the same time, there has been media speculation about the Government's use of 'wedge politics' to sustain its political agenda with respect to welfare and other policies. Wedge politics, however, is yet to receive detailed analysis in Australian political science. We define wedge politics to be a calculated political tactic aimed at using divisive social issues to gain political support, weaken opponents and strengthen control over the political agenda. The purpose of this paper is thus twofold: to develop a definition of wedge politics and to investigate how the Howard Government's welfare reform agenda might be understood as an example of such politics, drawing out its longer-term implications. 相似文献
909.
Sydney C. Pawsey B.S. Catherine G. Wilson B.S. Wendy M. Gunther M.D. Amy P. Fantaskey M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(3):984-986
Suicidal gunshot wounds to the nasal bridge are rare, particularly at close range (defined as muzzle of the weapon not touching the skin surface, but near enough to deposit soot and stippling). Previously reported suicidal gunshot wounds to the nose have been through the left nostril (Forensic Sci Int 1995;71(1):25–31; J Forensic Radiol Imag 2013;1(2):63–7). The death of a 26-year-old man with a close-range gunshot wound to the bridge of the nose was deemed suicide due to history, scene, and autopsy findings. These findings included previous suicidal ideation, texted and written notes, the decedent's cross-legged position seated on the floor, the trajectory of the bullet through his head and into the ceiling fan and roof above him, and acute alcohol intoxication. This decedent may have been intending a hard contact forehead location but inadvertently fired the gun into the bridge of his nose while bending forward, prior to contact. 相似文献
910.
Tony T.F. Tan Ph.D. Pecky P.K. Law M.Phil. Stephen W.K. Kwok B.Sc. Wilson W.L. Yeung B.Sc. Wai-Chuen Ho Wai-Keung Chung Bing-Chiu Au 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(1):73-83
In this study, we have proposed a novel solvent-based method using a specific concentration of 3M™ Novec™ HFE-72DE and 7200 solvents to untangle duct tape from porous article with minimal impact to the quality of latent fingerprint deposited on the sticky-side surface of duct tape. A series of experiments determined that a mixture of 30% HFE-72DE:7200 (v/v) was found to be the most effective to separate various brands of duct tape from different types of porous surface, including office copy paper, newspaper, cardboard, and tissue wipe, which had been stored for up to 30 days before untangling. Further studies also revealed that 30% HFE-72DE:7200 was compatible with three common fingerprint development methods for porous articles, namely ninhydrin, indanedione-zinc, and physical developer. The nonflammability and low toxicity nature of this novel solvent mixture also make it ideal for separating duct tape from porous surface in laboratory or at crime scene. 相似文献