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R. W. Davies Darrell P. Hammer Gregory Andrusz Peter Gatrell Richard F. Staar Graham Timmins 《欧亚研究》1991,43(6):1143-1153
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Gregory Goalwin 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2013,26(3):189-215
This article examines the purpose behind, and rhetorical content of, political wall murals produced during the troubles in Northern Ireland. I utilize a semiotic approach to analyze the ways that the symbolic content and physical placement of Northern Irish murals was used by actors on both sides of the conflict. I examine the major thematic traditions utilized by muralists on each side and situate them within the historical and political contexts of the conflict in Northern Ireland. This approach highlights the ways that murals did more than simply champion ideological causes, as earlier scholarship has argued, but served an active role in efforts to catalyze cultural support for organizations’ political goals. I argue that murals played a key role for organizations on both sides of the conflict, as they each struggled to craft a communal self-identification and legitimizing central narrative that furthered their ideological goals. Organizations on both sides used murals to mobilize cultural support for their political and military struggles. In this regard, murals functioned as a form of mythic speech, attempting to depoliticize highly political ideologies and make the rhetoric used by the competing groups seem natural and pure. The grassroots nature of the mural traditions is particularly telling in this regard, exposing the deep-seated insecurity of organizations on both sides. This insecurity is further reflected by, and served as a catalyst for, the paramilitary violence that was a defining characteristic of Northern Ireland for so long. 相似文献
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Congressional efforts at budgetary reform generally contain procedural impediments designed to limit profligate spending. In particular, the line-item veto and the balanced budget amendment are intended to limit the ability of legislators to pursue their constituents' interests through pork-barrel politics at the expense of the broader public interest. However, assuming that legislators remain motivated by local constituent interests, we argue that these reforms will promote unexpected results. The supermajorities requires by the line-item veto and the balanced budget amendment include incentives for log-rolling that promote – and may indeed increase – pork-barrel spending. 相似文献
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This paper investigates Australian treaty making with neighboringcountries in the Asia-Pacific. Patterns of Australian treatymaking with South East Asian countries are markedly differentto those with South West Pacific countries and the differenceis continuing to deepen. Treaties with the former are primarilybilateral and commercially oriented, whereas those with thelatter are plurilateral and oriented to natural resources managementand development. There is a major gap in Australian subregionaltreaty activity for natural resources management in South EastAsian countries. A coalescence of issues in the law enforcementand security categories is occurring and the new direction inAustralian regional treaty making for both subregions is tostrengthen capacity to enforce the rule of law in national legalsystems. Commercial treaty making remains and is likely to continueto be the strongest area of treaty activity. Received for publication November 4, 2006. Accepted for publication April 5, 2007. 相似文献