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排序方式: 共有128条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Jayme L. Neiman Frank J. Gonzalez Kevin Wilkinson Kevin B. Smith John R. Hibbing 《政治交往》2016,33(2):212-240
Words are believed to be indicators of the values that are important to politicians and an impressive amount of empirical research has analyzed variations in language use. While it is generally accepted that there are value differences between Democrats and Republicans, the extent to which these differences are reflected in word usage has been theorized but is largely untested. The connection between values and language is, theoretically, not limited just to politicians, but should be especially evident among politicians as representatives of existing ideological poles. In this article, we examine elite rhetoric through the lens of four value-centered theoretical frameworks (Lakoff’s Parenting Styles model, Moral Foundations Theory, Schwartz’s Values Theory, and Motivated Social Cognition Theory). Contrary to the expectations posited by these four theories, we find little reliable evidence of value-related language differences between Democratic and Republican politicians. Our findings suggest that, at least when it comes to elite rhetoric, widely accepted theoretical claims about the value-based nature of political language and political differences are not consistently supported by empirical analysis. 相似文献
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Guillermo Dueñas 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5-8):1517-1529
This paper discusses cultural issues that may contribute to the success or failure of trade agreements in the Americas. We use the case of Mexico and the USA to illustrate the point, though the cultural issues are also an important factor in agreements between Latin American nations. The main contention of the paper is that the more there is a push for economic and financial integration the more there is a risk of cultural fragmentation unless the cultural misunderstandings between nations are worked out properly. Managing cultural integration successfully requires a process of “intercultural learning”. 相似文献
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Nathan Gonzalez 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):533-534
President Ronald Reagan's White House leaned toward Baghdad during the Iran–Iraq War because it sought to prevent an Iraqi defeat. Though the White House deemed Iraqi chemical weapons use abhorrent, it found the implications of an Iranian victory or expanded Soviet influence in the Middle East far more alarming. Newly released documents from the Iraqi state archives now allow an exploration of the chemical weapons controversy from both Iraqi and American perspectives. This evidence, along with sources from American archives, demonstrates that Washington and Baghdad had radically different assessments of the Iran–Iraq War. American officials hoped to mould Iraq into a useful ally, but Saddam interpreted American support as subterfuge. Saddam's hostile view of American intentions indicates that Washington had less influence over Iraqi behaviour during the 1980s than both contemporary American officials and many scholars writing since have realised. To insist that Washington could have deterred Iraqi chemical weapons use overstates American clout. 相似文献
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Stella Gonzalez Arnal 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):171-181
Gonzalez Arnal attempts to make apparent certain relationships that exist between knowledge and rationality that, in her opinion, further the traditional relation of exclusion between women and reason. She argues that by challenging these relationships we can obtain a better understanding of what reason actually is, and this will allow us to develop a concept of rationality that does not exclude women and other communities. 相似文献
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Solving complex problems is a challenge faced by many governments. Academic and practical discussions on how to solve said problems look at policy integration as a solution to the negative implications that fragmented government actions have on addressing public problems or providing public services. Notwithstanding important recent contributions, we still lack a precise understanding of what policy integration is, an explanation of how it differs from other “solutions” to complex problems, such as coordination or policy coherence, and a practical operationalization. In this paper, we argue that coordination, coherence, and integration are related but substantively different concepts. We offer a new way of understanding and observing policy integration in a manner that is theoretically distinguishable from policy coordination and coherence and empirically observable. We argue that policy integration is the process of making strategic and administrative decisions aimed at solving a complex problem. Solving this complex problem is a goal that encompasses—but exceeds—the programs’ and agencies’ individual goals. In practical terms, it means that, at every moment of the policy process, there is a decision-making body making decisions based on a new logic—that of addressing a complex problem. 相似文献
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Incentives to cultivate a personal reputation encourage legislators to generate policy outcomes for which they can claim credit. We show that these incentives make themselves felt in international agreements – a domain that might typically be considered within the purview of the executive branch. Through a cross-national analysis and brief case studies, we show that countries with electoral systems that encourage personal vote seeking are more likely to negotiate exceptions to treaties meant to liberalize their investment environments. Legislators benefit by being able to claim credit for having protected their constituents from the competition an unrestricted agreement would entail. 相似文献