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221.
Byron E. Greenberg Matt Riggs Fred B. Bryant Bryan D. Smith 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2003,18(2):12-19
This study cross-validates a short aggression inventory using a sample of 250 law enforcement professionals. The instrument
under investigation is the 12-question modified version of the Buss-Perry Aggression Scale (Buss & Perry, 1992). Statistical
and external validation methods were used to ascertain the appropriateness of this scale's use with law enforcement professionals.
Confirmatory factor analyses revealed that both the firstorder, four-factor model, {ie12-1}, GFI=.94, NFI=.84, NNFI=.88, and
CFI=.91, and the second-order model with a single, global Aggression “super” factor, {ie12-2}, GFI=.94, NFI=.84, NNFI=.89,
and CFI=.91, provided a reasonable goodness-of-fit to the data. Subscales of this instrument correlated meaningfully with
departmental measures of citizen complaints for physical and verbal aggression by officers, as well as the number of shooting
incidents in which the officers were involved. The need for a short measure of aggression is discussed and applications in
law enforcement are offered. 相似文献
222.
223.
We survey the pioneering contributions of Robert Tollison to the theory and practice of antitrust law enforcement. Inspired by his period of service during Ronald Reagan’s first administration as Director of the Federal Trade Commission’s Bureau of Economics, Tollison was the first scholar to apply public choice reasoning to the question why antitrust frequently fails to achieve its stated goal of protecting consumers against unwarranted exercises of market power. In supplying evidence that the outcomes of antitrust processes are shaped more by special interests than by the public’s interest, he was instrumental in launching a wholly new research program. 相似文献
224.
225.
Recently, there has been considerable excitement about the economic potential of the “developmental network state”—decentralized
government policies that successfully accelerated growth in several high- and medium-income countries. The question remains
whether such a strategy could be successful in less-developed nations whose scientific and technological resources were relatively
limited. This paper analyzes the trajectory of Chile, a Southern country which, despite adverse conditions, managed to produce
something akin to an economic miracle during the last few decades. Our argument is that Chile’s success was based on the developmental
network state strategy. Moreover, we highlight the centrality to understanding the Chilean experience of the concept of “network
failures”—a common phenomenon that occurs when domestic production would be best served by network forms of organization but
for a variety of reasons, these networks either fail to materialize or fail to take hold (Schrank and Whitford 2011). Over and over again, we see that the logic behind the actions of the Chilean state was to provide resources that reduced
the likelihood of network failures. We examine three case studies of successful export sectors: salmon; wine; and fruit and
vegetables. The paper outlines some of the challenges faced by the Chilean model and assesses its long-term viability. 相似文献
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228.
Fred H. Lawson 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):129-144
Egypt and Ethiopia continue to oppose one another over the allocation of the waters of the Nile River basin, despite a succession of provisional multilateral agreements. Officials in Cairo insist that Egypt be guaranteed its “historic rights” to two-thirds of the river’s flow, while their counterparts in Addis Ababa demand an “equitable” distribution of water among all of the riparian countries. More important, Sudan’s shift in alignment from Egypt to Ethiopia has injected new tension into the dispute, and the sustained involvement of South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea heightens the likelihood that periodic crises will escalate into armed confrontations. Consequently, existing studies that offer sanguine assessments of the potential for a compromise settlement fail to address the key dynamics that drive the conflict. 相似文献
229.
Annika Fredén 《Scandinavian political studies》2017,40(3):247-264
Recent studies find that defection from one's most preferred party to some other party is as common under proportional representation (PR) as it is in plurality systems. It is less elaborated how election‐specific contextual factors affect strategic vote choice under PR. This study looks at the impact of two potentially important contextual factors: parties’ coalition signals about cooperation with other parties (referred to as ‘pre‐electoral coalitions’) and polling information, which vary from one election to the next. The focus is strategic voting for smaller parties at risk of falling below an electoral threshold. The hypothesis is that parties that are included in well‐defined coalitions will benefit from strategic ‘insurance’ votes if the polls show that they have support slightly below the threshold. However, smaller parties that do not belong to a coalition would be less likely to benefit from insurance votes. Extensive survey experiments with randomized coalition signals and polls give support to the idea that a voter's tendency to cast an insurance vote depends on whether the polls show support below or above the threshold and whether the party is included in a coalition or not. 相似文献
230.
加拿大面对的北极挑战:主权、安全与认同 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
由于全球暖化对北极地区产生的影响,使得北极资源开采与航运的战略价值再度成为人们关注的亮点。西北航道开通的可能性,以及北极蕴藏的丰富石油、天然气与矿物,让观察家认为加拿大北极主权问题将再度成为争议的核心。美加之间多年来关于西北航道控制权的争议,以及环北极国家之间因大陆架延伸的重叠而发生纠纷,并非一定会导致冲突,相反地,透过协调与外交斡旋或许对各方更有利。加拿大北极主权问题,其实也是认同问题,而加拿大必须展现对北极地区更多的投入意愿。 相似文献