全文获取类型
收费全文 | 367篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 23篇 |
工人农民 | 36篇 |
世界政治 | 52篇 |
外交国际关系 | 21篇 |
法律 | 145篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 93篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 8篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 7篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 56篇 |
2012年 | 18篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 19篇 |
2007年 | 11篇 |
2006年 | 22篇 |
2005年 | 13篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 7篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
1956年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有383条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
71.
Jennifer L. Merolla Guy Burnett Kenneth V. Pyle Sheila Ahmadi Paul J. Zak 《Political Behavior》2013,35(4):753-776
Political scientists have documented the many ways in which trust influences attitudes and behaviors that are important for the legitimacy and stability of democratic political systems. They have also explored the social, economic, and political factors that tend to increase levels of trust in others, in political figures, and in government. Neuroeconomic studies have shown that the neuroactive hormone oxytocin, a peptide that plays a key role in social attachment and affiliation in non-human mammals, is associated with trust and reciprocity in humans (e.g., Kosfeld et al., Nature 435:673–676, 2005; Zak et al., Horm Beh 48:522–527, 2005). While oxytocin has been linked to indicators of interpersonal trust, we do not know if it extends to trust in government actors and institutions. In order to explore these relationships, we conducted an experiment in which subjects were randomly assigned to receive a placebo or 40 IU of oxytocin administered intranasally. We show that manipulating oxytocin increases individuals’ interpersonal trust. It also has effects on trust in political figures and in government, though only for certain partisan groups and for those low in levels of interpersonal trust. 相似文献
72.
Ian Hunter 《Economy and Society》2013,42(3):354-367
This book is discussed in the context of the ongoing recovery of a distinctively 'modern' or post-scholastic form of natural law thought. Hochstrasser's contribution to this recovery is to stress the linguistic-conventionalist character of post-metaphysical natural law in the German early Enlightenment. On this basis, he is able to show how Samuel Pufendorf and his followers largely escape the charges of moral arbitrariness and political tyranny levelled at them by such metaphysical rivals as Leibniz. The article concludes by briefly indicating one of the major alternatives to Hochstrasser's interpretation, giving a sense of the ongoing debate surrounding the construction of political legitimacy in post-scholastic natural law. 相似文献
73.
Political debates in many Mediterranean countries today are increasingly framed in dichotomous terms, highlighting divisions between religious and secular worldviews. In some countries, for example Israel, the issue is so contentious that it is described as a ‘culture war’. While Israel struggles to balance its commitment to a Jewish state and a democracy, it does not seem to matter if the countries in question are democracies or non-democracies, or what their majority religious faith is. Instead, the role of religion in public life or, put another way, the ‘public return of religion’, is a pertinent and controversial political question everywhere in the Mediterranean region. How do we explain this phenomenon? On the one hand, we can point to both economic and demographic changes, while, on the other, we can trace the impact of continuing secularisation. Together these two sets of developments produce new challenges to existing political arrangements. 相似文献
74.
75.
We offer a framework for analyzing the impact of monitoring—a commonly recommended solution to poor leadership—on the quality of democratically elected leaders in community organizations in low‐income countries. In our model, groups may face a trade‐off between leader ability and effort. If the group's ability to monitor the leader is low, then the leader may exert too little effort. A higher level of monitoring increases leader effort, raising the value of the public good. However, more intense monitoring may also drive higher‐ability members to opt out of candidacy, reducing public‐goods value. The result is an inverted U‐shaped relationship between the level of monitoring and the value of the public good. The trade‐off between leader effort and ability, however, only exists in the presence of sufficient private‐income opportunities. These predictions are assessed using original data gathered from Ugandan farmer associations. 相似文献
76.
Abigail E. Veevers M.B. Ch.B. ; William Lawler M.B. Ch.B. M.D. F.R.C.Path. ; Guy N. Rutty M.D. M.B.B.S. F.R.C.Path. Dip.R.C.Path. F.F.S.Soc. F.F.F.L.M. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(6):1466-1469
Abstract: We report three deaths in young adult males following closed blunt trauma to the head and face where the affected individuals were able to walk away from the incident, before subsequently collapsing and dying a short distance from the site of the assault. In each case, due to the rapidity of the posttrauma collapse, the pathologist was faced with a diagnostic difficulty at autopsy; the external examination revealed multiple injuries to the head and face, but internal examinations showed limited findings with no structural explanation for the death. We discuss possible mechanisms that could account for this scenario, the implications of alcohol consumption with a concussive head injury, and parallels that can be drawn with the so-called "talk and die,""talk and deteriorate," and "second impact syndrome." Finally, the possible role of so-called "postexercise peril" is discussed in relation to these deaths. 相似文献
77.
This research tested whether mug book size moderates mug shot exposure effects. Witnesses to a simulated theft searched either
a small, a large, or no mug book, followed by a perpetrator-absent lineup containing a critical foil from the mug book. Contrary
to predictions of a transference effect, critical foil lineup identifications did not differ across conditions. To test for
a commitment effect, only participants who selected the critical foil in the mug book were considered; there was evidence
of a commitment effect in the large mug book condition. Finally, there were more lineup-correct rejections in the large mug
book condition; this was explained in terms of the criterion for making mug book choices carrying over to lineup choices.
相似文献
Hunter A. McAllisterEmail: |
78.
Federal income tax inforcement varies greatly across individual states. While it is not known if this interstate variation enhances efficiency, anecdotal evidence suggests it does not. In this paper we apply the Weingast/Moran model to the treasury and explore the relationship between the legislature and the IRS. Specifically, we model IRS audit rates by state as a function of both political and efficiency considerations. We find that the interstate differences in enforcement is influenced by efficiency considerations but also the IRS shifts enforcement away from states represented by legislators who sit on committees with oversight responsibility for the IRS. 相似文献
79.
Dave Cowan Sarah Blandy Emma Hitchings Caroline Hunter Judy Nixon 《Journal of law and society》2006,33(4):547-571
In this article, we draw on data obtained in interviews with District Judges about the factors which they say influence the exercise of their discretion in possession proceedings. Analysing the data set enabled us to create three ideal types of judicial decision—making which we have labelled 'liberal', 'patrician', and formalist'. We discuss the differences between each ideal type across five different variables: the District Judge role; approach; view of occupiers; the problem; behaviour of occupiers. Our data demonstrate a set of reasons to explain different approaches and outcomes between different District Judges (as well as the perhaps unlikely identification of a 'maverick' or 'idiosyncratic' style of judging). We conclude by suggesting on the basis of our data that, despite calls to structure or remove the discretion from District Judges, any such changes are unlikely to have much effect. 相似文献
80.
B. Guy. Peters 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1992,35(2):160-180
Abstract: The stages model of the policy process constitutes the conventional wisdom about the policy-making for much of political science and public administration. That model has performed a number of important tasks for these disciplines, but also contains a number of fundamental weaknesses. These include its assumptions concerning linearity and the temporal ordering of the stages, and the difficulty of the model in coping with policy change. Further, outcomes of the stages model tend to be determined by the environment of politics, rather than by the actors and institutions within government. The analysis presented in this article attempts to restore institutions (including the public bureaucracy) to a more appropriate central position in the formulation and determination of policy choices. The use of institutional analysis not only reflects more clearly the complex reality of policy-making and the interaction of organizations within the public sector, but it restores value concerns to a central place in the analysis and interpretation of public policy. Sommaire: Le modèle d'étapes utilisé dans le processus d'élaboration des politiques constitue le modèle conventionnel par excellence pour une bonne partie des sciences politiques et de l'administration publique. Bien que ce modèle ait permis de mener à bien des tâches importantes dans ces disciplines, il fait preuve de faiblesse sur certains points fondamentaux. Mentionnons notamment ses hypothèses sur la linéarité et l'ordonnancement temporel des étapes, ainsi que ses difficultés à tenir compte des changements de politiques. De plus, les résultats obtenus avec ce modèle tendent àêtre déterminés par l'environnement des politiques, plutôt que par les intervenants et les institutions au sein du gouvernement. L'analyse présentée dans cet article tente de redonner aux institutions (dont la bureaucratie publique) la place plus centrale qu'elles méritent dans l'élaboration et la détermination des politiques. Le recours à une analyse institutionnelle ne se contente pas de refléter plus clairement la réalité complexe de l'élaboration des politiques et l'interaction des organisations au sein du secteur public, mais il redonne une place essentielle aux questions de valeurs dans l'analyse et l'interprétation des politiques publiques. 相似文献